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                    <text>04/22/98

/

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[4J 002

MA

ADVISORY
FROM THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
SUBCOMMITTEE ON TRADE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
April 21, 1998
No. TR-25

CONTACT: (202) 225-1721

Crane Announces Hearing on
U.S. Economic and Trade Policy ~foward Cuba
Congressman Philip M. Crane (R-IL), Chairman, Subcommittee on Trade of the
Committee on Ways and Means, today announced that the Subcommittee will hold a hearing on
U.S. economic and trade policy toward Cuba. The hearing
take place on Thursday,
May 7, 1998, in the main Committee bearing roomJ 1100 Longworth House Office
Building1 beginning at 1:00 p.m.

will

Oral testimony at this hearing will be from bQtQ. invited and public witnesses. In
addition, any individual or organization not scheduled for an oral appearance may submit a
writlen statement for consideration by the Committee or for inclusion in the printed record of the
hearing.

BACKGROUND:
Since the early I 960's, U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted largely of attempting to
isolate the island nation through a comprehensive economic and trade embargo. The authority
for these sanctions against Cuba was included in section 620(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961 (P.L 87-195). In 1992, the sanctions were strengthened with the enactment into law ofthe
Cuban Democracy Act (P.L. 102-484). In particul.ar, the Act extended the prohibitions on
transactions \a.oith Cuba to subsidiaries of U.S. firms in third countries. At the same time, the
Cuban Democracy Act directs the President to take steps to ·end the trade embargo and to assist a
freely and democratically elected Cuban government. should one come to power. Another
component of U.S. policy under the Act consists of support measures for the Cuban people,
including U.S. private humanitarian donations, U.S. Government support for democracy-building
efforts, and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba (Radio and TV Marti).
In 1996, the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act (P.L. 104-114), often referred
to as the "Helms-Burton" legislation, was enacted to further strengthen U.S. sanctions against
Cuba. Among other things, Helms-Burton codified all Cuban embargo executive orders and
regulations in force on March 12, 1996. In addition, the Act allows U.S. nationals to sue for
monetary damages in U.S. Federal court those persons who traffic property confiscated from
such U.S. nationals. Finally, it denies admission into the United States to certain aliens involved
in the confiscation or trafficking of U.S. property in Cuba.
Following the enactment of Helms-Burton. many U.S. trading partn~rs. including
Canada, Japan, Mexico, and the European Union (Ell). strongly criticized the legislation. arguing
that it constitutes an extraterritorial application of U.S. law contrary to international principles.
On November 20, I 996, the World Trade Organization (WfO) ag~ to a request from ___ EU
.
··-~ ., the .
-.

�camng ror me rormauon or a azspute reso1uuon paneJ on ttelms•tlurton. un Apnt L 1, t 'J':J,, me
EU notified the WTO that it was suspending the dispute panel, pursuant to an understanding
reached 'With the United States to develop joint disciplines on dealings in property confiscated by
Cuba and other governments in contravention of international law. After meetings between the
United States and the EU in December 1997 and March 1998, EU officials stated that they would
resume the WTO challenge to Helms-Burton if no permanent solution to the dispute was found.
The EU has also raised concerns about Helms-Burton and the use of extraterritorial sanctions in
the context of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, which is being negotiated under the
auspices of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

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-2The visit of Pope John Paul II to Cuba on January 21-25, 1998, focused public attention
on U.S. economic and trade sanctions against Cuba. U.S. sanctions do not allow commen:ial
food exports to Cuba, and while commercial medical exports are allowed, there are several
restrictions on such exports as set forth in the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992.
On March 20, 1998, President Clinton announced fow- changes in U.S. policy toward
Cuba. Specifically, the President announced: (1) the resumption of licensing for direct
humanitarian charter flights to Cuba (which had been curtailed after the February 1996
shootdown of two U.S. civilian planes), (2) the resumption of cash irernittances up to $300 per
quarter for the support of close relatives in Cuba (which had been c,.lrtailed in August 1994 in
response to the migration crisis with Cuba), (3) the development of licensing procedures to
streamline and expedite licenses for the commercial sale of medicines and medical supplies and
equipment to Cuba., and (4) a decision to work on a bipartisan basis with Congress on the transfer
of food to the Cuban people.
In announcing the hearing, Chairman Crane stated: "In the wake of the Pope's visit in
January, I believe that it is an appropriate time for the Subcommitte,~ to review U.S. economic
and trade policy toward Cuba. I look forward to reviewing the status of our economic and trade
policy towards Cuba, particularly with respect to the humanitarian assistance provided by U.S.
citizens to the Cuban people."

..

'

FOCUS OF THE HEARING:
The focus of the hearing is to examine: (1) U.S. economic and trade policy toward Cuba
and the impact of the U.S. embargo on the Cuban people, (2) the prospects for future economic
relations in light of the Pope's recent visit, (3) the status ofhumanitB!rian assistance extended to
the Cuban people, and (4) how U.S.-Cuba policy, particularly the Helms-Burton legislation, has
affected relations with U.S. trading partners.

DETAILS FOR SUBMISSIONS OF REQUESTS TO BE HEARD:
Requests to be heard at the hearing must be made by telephone to Traci Altman or
Bradley Schreiber at (202) 225-1721 no later than the close o(business, Thursday, April 30,
1998. The telephone request should be followed by a formal written request to A.L. Singleton,
Chief of Staff, Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Repre1sentatives, 1102 Longworth
House Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515. The staff of the Subcommitlee on Trade will
notify by telephone those scheduled to appear as soon as possible after the filing deadline. Any
questions concerning a scheduled appearance should be directed to the Subcommittee on Trade
staff at (202) 225-6649.

In view of the limited time available to bear witnesses, the Subcommittee may not be
able to accommodate all requests to be heard. Those persons and organizations nut scheduled
for an oral appearance are encouraged to submit written statements for the record of the hearing.
All persons requesting to be heard, whether they are scheduled for oral testimony or not, will be
notified as soon as possible after the filing deadline.
Witnesses scheduled to present oral testimony are required to summarize briefly their
written statements in no more than five minutes. THE FIVE-MINUTE RULE WILL BE
STRICTLY ENFORCED. The full written statement of each wi1tness will be included in
the printed record, in accordance with House Rules.

!41003

~

'

�In order to assure the most productive use of the limited amount of time available to
question witnesses, all witnesses scheduled to appear before the Subcommittee are required to
submit 200 copies of their prepared statement and an IBM compatible 3.5-inch diskette in ASCII
DOS Text or WordPerfect 5.1 format, for review by Members prior to the hearing. Testimony
should arrive at the Subcommittee on Trade office, room 1104 Longworth House Office
.Building, no later than Tuesday, May 5, 1998. Failure lo do so may result in the witness being
denied the opportunity to testify in person.
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MA

-3-

WRITTEN STATEMEISTS IN LIEU OF PERSONAL APPEARANCE:
Any person or organization wishing to submit a \Vlltten statement for the printed record
of the hearing should submit at least six (6) single-space legal-size copies of their statement,
along with an IBM compatible 3.5.inch disketre in ASCII DOS Text or WordPerfect 5.1 format
only, with their name, address, and hearing date noted on a label, by the close of business,
Thursday, May 21. 1998, to A.L. Singleton, Chief of Staff, Committee on Ways and Means, U.S.
House of Representatives, 1102 Longworth House Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515. If
those filing written statements wish to have their statements distributed to the press and
interested public at the hearing, they may deliver 200 additional copies for this purpose to the
Subcommittee on Trade office, room 1104 Longworth House Offic4:: Building, at least one hour
before the hearing begins.

EORMATTING REQUIREMENTS:
Each sta.Lclmenl prc~c:nti=d for printing to the Committee: by a wilne5S, any wrinen statement or c:i:hibit submined for the printed record or
uny wriLLcn comments in rcsponse to a request for wri~n comments must conform to the guidelines listed below. Any statement or exhibit not

in &lt;:0mpliance with these guideline~ will not be printed. but will be maintained in the Comminec files for review and use by the Comminee.
All sllltements and any accompanying exhibitS for printing must be typed in sini:le space on legal-size paper and may nol
I.
exceed a total of IO pages including nuachmenl.!l. At the same time vmttcn stati=mcnts arc submitted to 1.he Commillcc:, wilncsscs B!C now
rtqur:sted to submit their staICmcnL~ on an IBM compatible 3.S•inch disune in A~CIJ DOS Te:.:t or WordPerfect 5.1 format. Witnesses are
111hi5,d that the Commlnee will rrly on elecuonk subml~ioos•for printine rbe official b,anni: record.

z.
Copies of whole documents submincd a~ cxhihit material will not be accepted for printing. Instead, e:,;hibit material should b¢
referenced and quoted or pacaphmsc:d. All exhibit mau:rial not meeting these speelflen1ions will be maintained in the Committee files for
review and use by the Comminec.
J.
A witness appearing at a public hearin~. or submitting a s~ment for the record of a public hearing, or submining wrinen
commt!nts io response to a published request for comments by the Comminee. must include on his )!UW:ment or submission a list of a.II clients,
persons, or organizations on whos1: behalf the witness appears.
4.
A supplemental sheet must accompany each sllltemcnt listing the name. full address, n telephone number where the wimess or
the designated representative may be n:ached and a topical outline or summary &lt;&gt;f the commenL~ and rccommcnda1ions in rhe full statement.
This supplemental sheet will not be included in the printed record.
·

The nbove restrictions and limitations apply only to material being submitted for priming. Statements and exhibits or supplemcntar)'
mnterinl submitted solely for distribution 10 the Members. the press and the public during the course of a publi..: hc:llling may be submilli::&lt;l in
other fonns.

Note: All Committee advisories and news releases are available on·the World Wide Web at
"http;//www.house.gov/ways_m~ans/".

The Committee seeks to make its facilities
accessible to persons with disabilities. If you are in
need of special accommodations, please call
202-225-1721 or 202-226-3411 TTD/TTY in
advance of the event (four business days notice is
requested). Questions with regard to special
accommodation needs in general (including
availability of Committee materials in alternative
formats) may be directed to the Committee as noted
- L - •. -

!41004

�auvv~.

*****

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United States
of America

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE

J04

th

ittnrh
.

'

CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION

'
WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 25, 1996

House of Representatives
STATEMENT ON CUBA TRIP
HON. JOE MOAKLEY
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 26, 1996
Mr. MOAKLEY . Mr. Speaker, my recent visit to Cuba has
been the subject of some controversy. Some of my colleagues,
who have surprisingly never even talked to me about the trip,
have cynically tried to characterize my views and the trip as insensitive to human rights and pro-Castro.
Mr. Speaker, that is a blatant distortion of the truth.
My position on Cuba is the same as that put forth by the
conference of Catholic Bishops. My position is also the same
as Cuba's Catholic Cardinal, Cardinal Jaime Ortega.
I might add, as well, that my position is the same as many
of Cuba' s leading dissidents-including Elizardo Sanchez,
Martha Beatriz Roque, Vladimiro Roca, and Rene Gomez
Manzano, just to name a few.
Are these people, some of whom have spent time in Cuban
jails , insensitive to human rights? Are these people pro-Castro?
Their position, and my position, is that we can best encourage
human rights reforms and begin a transition to a more democratic Cuba through increased relations and not by more isolation. They, like me, oppose the so-called Helms-Burton bill.
Mr. Speaker, I realize my public position on Cuba makes
me the target of a very well-financed lobby here in the United
States. But, let me say clearly and sincerely, I believe in my heart
that I am advocating what is best for the courageous people who
live on that island and who yearn for a day when human rights
and freedoms are truly respected.
MOAKLEY STATEMENT ON CUBA TRIP
WASHINGTON . - Congressman Joe Moakley released the
following statement from his office today on his recent trip to
Cuba:
"I traveled to Cuba for two basic reasons-first, to try to
create an atmosphere in which relations between the U.S. and
Cuba could be improved; and, second, to find ways to support
ordinary Cuban people.
My trip was hosted by the ABC Forum on Cuba, a non-profit
organization dedicated to educating U.S. citizens on issues related
to Cuba and to supporting the activities of NGO's promoting
human rights and helping ~he Cuban people.
Our delegation consisted of 23 participants ranging from
business leaders to NGO's like the Boston-based Oxfam America.
I met with a variety of people while in Cuba-including top
Cuban government officials, church leaders, dissidents, NGO's,
foreign diplomats, U.S. officials.

I even had the chance to visit a small group of farmers who
are working with Oxfam on a project to increase agriculture
production for sale on the open market. These farmers and all
the ordinary people I had the chance to meet, were excited to
talk with our delegation and candid about their hopes for closer
ties with people in the United States.
In addition, my aide Jim McGovern and I had a 2 hour private meeting with Cuban President Fidel Castro. After which,
the Cuban leader met with our entire group for another 2 hour
session. I told President Castro that we are at a crossroads in
terms of U .S.-Cuba relations, the United States Congress is nearing final action on the so-called Helms-Burton Bill which, if
signed into law, will strengthen the current economic embargo
and end any possibility for improved relations anytime in the
near future.
I told President Castro that there must be more movement
in Cuba with regard to human rights and econoic reformsand urge him to act now. He seemed responsive and pledged
to give my request very serious and immediate consideration.
We also had an excellent meeting with Jamie Cardinal
Ortega-the Roman Catholic Cardinal in Cuba. His Eminemco
told us that the official position of the Cathlic Bishops was
against the US embargo for humanitarian reasons. He also was
very clear about his continued concerns regarding human rights
abuses that currently exist in Cuba.
On a related matter, I raised with the Cuban leadership my
hope that they would invite Pope John Paul II to visit Cuba
during his visit to the Caribbean later this year.
My trip began and ended with important meetings with
Cuban dissident groups . While these people suggested that the
difficulties in Cuba run much deeper than the economic hardships, a majority of those we met expressed opposition to the
Helms-Burton legislation.
One of the things that stunned me the most about my trip
is the explosion of independent entrepreneurship. There are
roughly 208,000 independent family businesses operating in
Cuba. This entrepreneurship is allowing people greater personal
freedom from government controls. When people are no longer
dependent on the government for their jobs, they are freer from
economic coercion. I got the sense that the Cuban government
recognizes that these small businesses are necessary for the country's economic viability and are accepting the political space that
they create.
In fact, Caritas (a Catholic charitable organization in
Havana) described its plans to establish training programs to
help these fledgling businesses succeed. Michael Ryan, President
of ABC Forum on Cuba, which organized the trip said: "It was
great to see our group get excited about helping support the

�Cuban people, particularly in their efforts to form small
busineses and independent NGOs. A number of our participants
expressed a..real desire to support these efforts after we concluded
· ·
'
our trip." ·
The European Union is about to hold talks with the Cubans
on closer economic ties-and is using this opportunity to urge
the Cuban government to improve its human rights record. The
United States could have ten times more leverage with Cuba than
the Europeans if we got serious about improving relations. Right
now the embargo leaves us completely out of the picture. I'm
afraid if we let Helms-Burton become law, we will lose an
important opportunity to improve the situation in Cuba. Of all
the meetings I had, there was consensus on one thing-that the
future of Cuba will be decided by Cubans on the island. The
degree to which we can encourage positive change will depend
on whether or not we defeat Helms-Burton.
[From the Boston Globe, Jan. 23, 1996]
OUR BAN IN HAY ANA
(By H.D.S. Greenway)
HAVANA.-"Socialismo O Muerte"-Socialism or
Death-say the graffiti scrawled on the walls of this once grand,
now crumbly Caribbean capital. But as communists the world
over have found, their "socialism" means a death of sorts: stagnation and decline, a slow demise of ambition and incentive and
the equality of shared poverty.
There are only five countries left that call themselves communist: China and.its three abutters in Asia-North Korea, Vietnam and Laos-and then Cuba. In all, to varying degrees, the
communist leaders recognize the inadequacy of their economic
system, but all want to cling to political power. With some justification they can point to the death of their great progenitor, the
Soviet Union, as an example of w)lat can happen when the reins
of political powe.r are suddenly dropped. In short, they want
to eat the cake of capitalism without ingesting political freedoms.
All the ambiguities of this approach are evident in Fidel
Castro, the last of the founding fathers of postwar communism.
All the others-Mao Zedong, Kim D Sung, Ho Chi Minh-are
dead, but Fidel remains. To some, America's most enduring bete
noire is a Latin David to our gringo Goliath; to others he is an
·
irredeemable tyrant.
Nine US presidents have tried to do him in-by invasion,
assassination, economic embargo-but he lives on "to remind
us of our failures," as US Rep. J. Joseph Moakley put it.
For 30 years Castro had a free ride, strutting the world's stage
as a symbol of independence to a world emerging from colonialism but in fact a kept man, his bills paid by the S,oviet Union.
After the demise of his patron, Castro and his economy went
into a free fall, bottoming out in 1993.
In desperation, Castro and his lieutenants ·have planted the
first, few seeds of a free-market economy here. The Yankee
dollar is now a legal currency in Cuba alongside the peso. Joint
ventures with foreigners are beginning to bear fruit, especially
in the tourist industry. Some 208,000 Cubans are permitted to
work in the private sector, but the state still remains supreme,
and a gulf is widening between those who work in the dollar
economy and those left behind in a land of unconvertible peace.
Small, private restaurants called "paladares" are springing
up in people's homes, but the law allows no more than a dozen
tables, and all the cooks and waiters must be family members
because it is still illegal for one Cuban to hire another . Thus is
entrepreneurship on the one hand encouraged while the other
hand suppresses it.
Last week Moakley led a delegation of inquiry here of which
I was a member. We talked to Castro, aging now but still in
command. He is trying to probe for weak spots in the mortar
of the embargo that the.United States has imposed. Moakley,
in turn, was trying to squeeze human rights concessions from
Castro, concessio~s that Moakley could use back in Washing-

ton to defeat the Helms-Burton bill, sponsored by Sen. Jesse
Helms of North Carolina and U.S. Rep. Dan Burton of Indiana,
which would put even more restrictions on doing business with
Cuba.
It seemed .evident in conversations with Castro and his
ministers that Cuba isn't going back on the meager reforms they
have instigated. Castro said the changes are irreversible. But
Cuba's leaders are afraid of moving forward too fast. Castro
and his lieutenants appear to have no clear vision but are marking policy up as they go along.
Listening to Castro-his famous beard now gone gray-I was
struck by how much the world had changed and how much Fidel
has been bypassed since the heady revolutionary days of 30 years
ago. Fidel Castro no longer presents the United States with the
mortal threat of Russian missiles 90 miles offshore. His expeditionary forces no longer rampage through Africa, spreading
socialismo and death. Nor are his agents stirring up trouble in
the hemisphere. Che Guevara and the revolution he represented
lie in an unmarked Bolivian grave.
In an era when the United States is helping North Korea with
nuclear power, scrambling for investment in China and no longer
involved with embargoing Vietnam, the present restrictions on
trade with Cuba seem somewhat anachronistic. Castro may have
suffered from the U.S. embargo, but he has also benefited enormously by having someone other than himself to blame for
Cuba's economic inadequacies, able to wrap himself in the
nationist flag against the big bully of the North.
In the long run, communism in Cuba is doomed. Both the
United States and Cuba have a convergences of interest in seeing that the transition is smooth and the landing is soft. A breakdown of order on the island would bring another vast armada
of Cubans fleeing to our shores, and that wm1ld be destabilizing to both countries.
The best way to ensure a soft landing is to defeat counterproductive legislation such as the Helms-Burton "Cuban Liberty
and Democratic Solidarity Act,'' which would threaten our allies
that do business in Cuba and tie even more restrictions on the
present embargo. The bill will not help Cuba's transition to a
market economy and could only retard the very forces of freedom and openness the United States wishes to encourage. The
embargo is strict enough without additional baggage and should
be used as a bargaining chip to nudge Cuba into the democratic
and human rights reforms that will one day set its people free .
HAVANA, January 19.-Cuban dissidents have met a visiting U.S. congressman in public, the first time in years such a
meeting has taken without interference from the authorities, one
of the dissidents said on Friday.
Elizardo Sanchez told Reuters he and other dissidents met
visiting Democratic Representative Joe Moakley of Massachusetts for several hours in the state-owned Hotel Nacional.
Sanchez, leader of the Cuban Committee for Human Rights
and National Reconciliation, said he was surprised the dissidents
had been able to hold a meeting in public without problems.
Meetings with members of Cuba's small and illegal opposition
groups generally take place in dissidents' homes or foreign
embassies.
"We are not bothered (by officials) either entering or leaving (the hotel)," Sanchez said, adding that the group discussed
issues such as proposals in Congress to toughen the longstanding U.S. embargo against communist-ruled Cuba.
Moakley, who also met the dissidents on Tuesday at the house
of the senior U.S. diplomat in Cuba Joseph Sullivan, is on a
fact-finding mision that included talks with President Fidel Castro on Wednesday night.
Moakley said on Thursday he found Castro flexible on the
congressman's suggestion that if there were some change on the
island it might help defeat moves to toughen the embargo.

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                    <text>The Honorable Joe Moakley
Statement on U.S. - Cuba Policy
Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Committee
May 7, 1998

-I

&lt;(A#Glf L
Chairman Crane Congressma~
members of the
1
committee thank you for allowing me to testify before your

1

subcom;nittee today regarding the United States' policy toward
Cuba(' I commend you for holding this hearing to look into our
Cuba policy/ which, frankly/ needs a change.

W, Tll

C:ff}c,trL

tr )v~
Mr. Chairman, as you know t I visited Cuba this January during
the historic visit of Pope John Paul

n/

Despite the med'i'a's

decision to turn their coverage to other matter} the Pope's visit
has done a great deal to teach the world about Cub'l highlight its
problemsI introduce us to its many assets, and put a human face
on this most mysterious and troubling

mtiot

Toda~ many concrete changes have already occurred due to the
Pope's courageous efforts,/Niost visibly1 Cuban's are practicing
religion more freely in their homeland now/ without fear of
oppression or crackdown/

1

�During my visit, it was tremendously moving to stand in
Revolutionary Square/ at the Papal Mass, and to see Catholics
openly expressing their faith for the Pope and their Goa/ Many
of them couldn't believe they were being allowed to act so
openly/This event was a major step forward for Cuba./
I think that it is very important to note that the openness has
been allowed to continue/we recently saw Catholics freely
celebrating Easter Sunday in the main streets of Havan and in

1

the small churches ofJhe countryside/ Beautiful religious
processions ~ ~ r : g h the Cuban streets without question or
comment from the governmeny"It appear~ at least for nop, that
Castro's strong hand against religion has

~.:'l:e,~r/Jf)t:rr:::,I

And I am very glad that President Clinton has responded to the
openness in Cuba with several positive steps regarding the
United States' policy/I applaud the Clinton administration for
its moves to allow direct flights for humanitarian ai~ to allow
family remittances, and to work to ease the licencing process for
medicines/As I've said many times/we aren't responsible for
the suffering of the Cuban people,- Cuba is/Bu~ we also
, /
should make it a policy to do what we can
help those in neey
Right now
olicy isn't doing that.

fo

a...

2

�The American Association for World Health's five-year study on
the Cuban health care systen,highlighted the desperate plight of
the Cuban people. According to their expert medical opinio~
large numbers of ordinary Cuban citizens. " The report went on
to identify malnutrition/ poor water qualitf lack of mediciney
and equipmen and the lack of medical informatioi,as the major

1

causes of the Cuban health care crisis·

I

The needs in Cuba are tremendous/ Ne'/ breakthrough
medicines that combat cancer an/AIDS are not availabl~
doctors re-use disposable gloves until they brea~ pacemakers for
heart patients are virtually impossible to fin'!, extreme shortages
in kidney dialysis machines keep patients from receiving
treatments,and children's cancer wards go without nausea
suppressants for children receiving chemotherapy/The suffering
goes on and on.

...

7 ._..

3

�I believe the steps that President Clinton has taken will begin to
lessen some of that suffering/Now, we need to do more
1
because while the Administration's moves are positiv&lt;t donations
will never be able to affect as many people as direct sales of
food and medicines
onations while very important, do not
1
always include those items that are most needecylon1y through
the direct sale of medicines can doctors obtain the exact items
they need for proper care/That is why I am a proud co-sponsor
of H.R. 1951/ the Cuban Humanitarian Trade Ac_; legislation
that will remove U.S. trade restrictions on the sale of food and
medicine to

Cuba/

I want to say a word about the suffering I just mentionec(While
I was in Cuba recentl)J
visited a pediatric hospita just
outside of downtown Havana/4 walked along the war~ and
stopped in to visit with the sick children and their parents'lThis
was real Ii'.)!- there were no politics her~ no state sym(ol~ no
speeches-/! listened carefully to the young mother~ describing
their children's unwarranted suffering and pain.

-.J

1

4

�Many of the children that I visited that day had fairly common
diseases and disorders that are easily curable using modern
techniques and medicines/_In the United States we have the best
medicine the best medical t;a·mn and the most innovative
medical devices in the world But the sad truth is that most of

1

1

these items are not available to these tiny Cuban childre!,' due to
the embargo.

,_ that is widely treated using the
little boy had a heart disorder

I vividly recall one child that I will never for-et / This particular
~
insertion of a plastic shunVBu; that simpleivice is made in
Americ'l and therefore not available in Cuba So this h5Pless_
child spent 86 days in intensive care/- and early died/During
that terrible ordea the little boy lost a lung and will have

1
1
continued health problems for years to comy'His young mother

told me she didn't understand why they couldn't get that piece of
plastic/ She looked to me for answer7 Mr. Chainna~-- I had
none.

/

5

�I know opponents will say there is no embargo on medicine/
They will say anything can be obtained with a licence/Bit the
fact is/that's just not happening/The process is exlemely slow
and difficulland most U.S. col.parries don't even try/No'
the facts are often disputed heri' but even the most {enerous
estimates say that we have only issued 27 licenses fo7e
commercial sale of medicines over the last six year For a
country with the medical needs of Cub) that's not a lot of
medicine.
There are many reasons why the licencing process doesn't wort./
For one/ U.S. companies don't want to go through the difficult
steps and the paperwork/And many U.S. corporations don't
even know they can sell to Cuba through a licence.
Opponents will also say that Cuba can go to any other country in
the world to buy medicines./That is tru~ but the problem is ~ the United States is the lealer in medicfne) medical supplit?)
medical tejniques, and everything else that has the prefix medbefore iV:'he fact is that Cuba needs our innovative product~
and idea

1

because, quite simpll we're the best and we've got

the corner on the market.

6

�Furthermor7 we passed a law in 1992 that prevents subsidiaries
abroad from doing business in Cuba/As the economy has gotten
more and more global' U.S. pharmaceutical and medical supply
companil_8. have increased their share of ownership around the
world, ~oday/ U.S. owned subsidiaries dominate the market
abroa
S~, when Cuba looks abroad for medicine} they often
run i o more roadblocks.
\
Mr. Chairman/ the Pope's visit has created an atmosphere of
change in Cuba that hasn't been seen since the revolution And,
I don't think things will go back to the ways of the pasV1t's too
hard to "put the genie back in the bottle;, as they say So we
need to move forward/I think it is time we lift the embargo on
food and medicine~and allow the Cuban people access to the
best medical and food supplies we have to offer.
We need to engage Cuba so we can effect change now and in
the future when the political status quo is gonVOu~olationism
of the last 38 years has done nothing to change Cuba/ in fact I
believe it is one reason Castro has been able to stay in power for
so long./Quite simpl) our embargo policy has given him an
enemy (o point to.

,4~1)

;o e~Jif r
7

A- S!Jftf1t....ef&gt;,lllt1lt...
FOi&lt;- ttu- ~

oCffi:NewtX

�Now, an historic opportunity is upon us We need to be part of
Cuba's changing political and social si ation by engaging in a
dialogue of thoughts an ideas We need to be ready for the day
when Castro is gone. After Castr~ there is a giant vacuum of
leadership in Cuba.
o one really knows for sure who will fill
ontinuing our current policy leaves us without
that vacuum.
any influence/ We will have no say in the future political

r1

leadership of our neighboring island/But, by engaging, Cuba

now1 the United States will have a hand in the futu~re nd can
work to bring democratic ideals to the Cuban people Lifting
restrictions on food and medicine is a good way to egin that
engagement//
So, again Mr. Chairma~ I commend you and the Subcommittee
for holding this heariniy and allowing me to testify today ./we
must remember, Mr. Chairmai, that children do not undfrstand

ir

politics
mbargoes/But children do feel suffering/- they do
feel pain. '11 say again that the Cuban people's suffering is not
our faul but I think the United States has a responsibility no! to

1

make thmgs worse/we have :
responsibility all over the
globe/'ve met the Cuban peopl] sat down in their homes,with
them/ and listene to their concerns ; I know they deserve at
least that much

8

�Mr. Chairmai, our Cuba policy is

3J years

old and it just hasn't

worke0n fa&lt;;7it's a complete failur7"'If our policy was a
fortune 500 company/ it would have been bankrupt years

ago/

No one in this room can ho.7st1y say we're hurting Castro4'he's certainly not starving/1 believe it's time for a changvl
look forward to working with you and our colleagues in the
Congress to bring about change in Cub) and to create a policy
that finally makes a difference in Cuba where it matter~- with
the people.
Thank You.
-30-

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                    <text>Congressman Joe Moakley
Statement on U.S. - Cuba Policy
New England - Canada Business Council
May 1, 2000

Thank you for inviting me to be with you today. It is a pleasure to spend some time with you to
discuss the current state of U.S. - Cuba policy.

Today, I strongly believe we stand at a critically important juncture in this debate. The difficult
and tragic case of little Elian Gonzalez has focused the people of the United States -- and the
entire world for that matter -- on U.S. I Cuba relations.

Many normal Americans who knew very little about the United States' policy on Cuba could
probably quote you chapter and page numbers from the Helms-Burton law now. As you know,
that's how intense the media scrutiny has been over the last couple of months.

Now that they are aware, I believe many Americans are agreeing with me and several colleagues
of mine in the Congress that our policy on Cuba is a failed one.

For nearly 40 years we've tried to strangle communism with our embargo -- but that system has
withstood all of our efforts. It's time for a change.

By flooding Cuba with democracy, American ideals, books, newspapers, Reebok sneakers, the
Internet, and Gillette razors, change would come faster than the Cubans could say Tropicana
Club.

As you may have heard, I just returned from a 5 day visit to Havana. My former aide, and
current Congressman, Jim McGovern and I took a delegation of 50 college presidents and deans
to the island to meet with Cuban educators in the hope of starting a dialogue.

1

�I've said for many years that an open dialogue is the only way we can effect change in Cuba, and
the results of this trip have reinforced that vision for me.

In planning this trip, I had only hoped to get people together, get them talking and start the ball
rolling. Never in my wildest dreams could I have imagined the progress that was made in just a
few short days.

While we were in Cuba, several letters of intent and documents were negotiated and signed by
our institutions, in a variety of different fields. Schepens Eye Research Center from Harvard
Medical School will be setting up a program to bring Cuban medical students to study here.
Massachusetts College of Art will be bringing artists and writers to Boston for a Cuban culture
show. And Boston College would like to send its students to Cuba to study Spanish.

I was amazed at the interesting discussions that took place, and the relationships that took off.
But, that is what I see when I look at Cuba -- I see people starving for a chance to learn, meet the
world and ultimately create change.

And I believe these kind of exchanges will slowly break down the barriers between Cuba and the
United States, allow us to understand each other better, and promote change in Cuba.

And I'll tell you there is opportunity for change in Cuba. During my recent visit, I went to Palm
Sunday mass at the Cathedral in Havana. The Archbishop, Cardinal Jaime Ortega, led a
beautiful procession around the grand old church, out into the street, with worshippers holding
their palms high.

This open expression of faith and religion was unimaginable 3 years ago before the Pope arrived.
I believe that more attempts to open up the Cuban society, like the Pope's, will have similar
effects.

2

�I was there when the Pope made his historic visit, and I'll tell you it was an experience that has
left a mark on me forever. The Cuban people were estatic to have the opportunity to express
their faith so openly, to be on the world's stage, and to welcome so many visitors to their
country.

They're ready for change -- its time we help them get there.

The current U.S. policy that places and embargo on trade with Cuba may not have been such a
bad idea in 1963. But we must acknowledge now that it has failed, and we must begin a course
to change the way this country deals with Cuba. After 40 years, Fidel Castro has remained in
power, in large part I believe because we have given him an excuse for his government's failures.

Let me tell you, the embargo hasn't hurt Castro and his supporters. Every time there is a food
shortage, and every time there is a sharp economic downturn, Castro places the blame firmly in
our lap. He points to the north and tells his poor people that the evil capitalists are causing their
pam.

We must take this excuse away from him.

While in Cuba, I had a very frank conversation with a prominent dissident in Cuba, who told me
that he believes the U.S. policy of embargo is a major reason Castro remains in power.

This is a man that has spent many years in jail for his outspoken criticism of the Cuban
government, and the leading spokesperson on human rights in Cuba.

He and I agreed that by lifting the embargo, allowing Americans to interact with Cubans,
showing the Cuban people our democratic ways and allowing our products to reach their shores,
there is no way a communist dictatorship could remain in control.

3

�I believe that it is very significant that this leader on human rights -- who is actually on the
ground in Cuba -- is calling for the end of the embargo, while the Cuban American community in
Miami is working harder than ever to keep the embargo on.
I believe the debate must be shifted to allow the voice of the many who are actually affected by
the embargo -- those that live in Cuba.

The embargo, to me, means a lot more than just a ban on trade. Certainly the Cuban government
is to blame for the plight of its people. But, I believe we have a responsibility to do all that we
can to alleviate the difficult lives the Cuban people lead.

Conditions that the Cuban people live by are tremendously difficult. Food is short, medicines are
scarce and the health of the average Cuban is declining. New breakthrough medicines that
combat cancer are not available, doctors re-use disposable gloves until they break, and
pacemakers for heart patients are virtually impossible to find.

I remember vividly a visit I made to a pediatric hospital just outside of Havana. One particular
little boy had a heart disorder that is widely treated in the United States using the insertion of a
plastic shunt. But, that simple device is made in America, and therefore not available in Cuba.
So this helpless child spent 86 days in intensive care -- and nearly died. During that terrible
ordeal the little boy lost a lung, and will have continued health problems for years to come.
That is what the embargo means to me.

Now, I know, supporters of the embargo will say that Cuba can go to any other country in the
world to buy medicines. That is true, but the problem is that the United States is the leader in
medicines, medical supplies, medical techniques, and everything else with the prefix "med"
before it. The fact is that we've got the comer on the medical market.

4

�Furthermore, we passed the Helms-Burton law that prevents subsidiaries abroad from doing
business in Cuba. As the economy has become more and more global, U.S. pharmaceutical and
medical supply companies have increased their share of ownership around the world. Today, the
U.S. owned subsidiaries dominate the market abroad.

So, when Cuba looks to other countries for medicines, they often run-in to road blocks there as
well.

I know that Canadians are playing an active role in Cuba, and I applaud your organizations for
your efforts to bring about freedoms in Cuba. I remember well last year when the Canadian
government stood firm and criticized Castro for locking up 4 dissidents simply for speaking their
minds.

It is that kind of relationship -- engaged, yet critical when necessary -- that I belive the United
States should be holding with Cuba.

So, in your organizations' dealings with Cuba, I urge you to continue to speak about human
rights and freedom. I encourage you to talk about how freely Canadians live, and I hope you'll
talk about Canadian lifestyles and pastimes. Now, I don't know if hockey would catch on down
there with all that hot weather, but it sure would make interesting conversation!

But, seriously, that is how change will come and I hope the U.S. government will join you soon
in trying to bring change from within. I firmly believe this is an issue we must address and we
cannot pass-up an opportunity to truly change Cuba for the better. We need to engage Cuba so
we'll be there when the political status-quo is gone. After Castro, there is a giant vacuum of
leadership -- and no one really knows who will step in and fill that role. Continuing the U.S.
policy leaves us without any influence. But, by engaging Cuba now, the United States will have
a hand in the future and can work to bring about democratic ideals to the island.

5

�So, in closing, I'd like to say again that I this is a critical time in the debate. I'm going to
continue to stand up and speak out against what I believe is a mis-guided policy, and I hope the
American public joins me in this effort.

And I encourage you to continue what you're doing, continue to educate people and continue to
open doors in Cuba. It is time we bring some sense to this debate on Cuba -- maybe then it
won't take a little boy's tragedy to point out the difference between right and wrong.

Thank you.

-30-

6

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                    <text>JOSE E SERRANO

JUOICIARY

q[ongress of tbe ~ntteb ~tates

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MEM8E~. CONGRESS10"&lt;AL

OE.MU(:!=!Ai)C S"'EER1NG

sJs-s,oc

June 22, 1995

WHY FURTHER A FAILED POLICY?
Dear Colleague:
H.R. 927, the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act
introduced by Rep. Dan Burton (R-IN), and its Senate companion, S.
381, introduced by Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC), seek to tighten and
internationalize the provisions of the embargo against Cuba.
The
following news articles shows that this approach is flawed for
several reasons.

* H.R. 927 violates the sovereignty of independent nations.
The extra-territorial reach of the bill, which penalizes
countries that have commercial ties with Cuba, have brought
protest from Canada and Mexico, among others.
* H.R. 927 ignores the,recommendations of the Pentagon study.
new Pentagon-commissioned study of Cuba and of U.S. policy
advocates the normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations in order
to prevent total economic collapse, political chaos, violence,
bloodshed and suffering in Cuba.

A

* H.R. 927 neglects the need for a new approach. The free
flow of ideas and goods is the best advertisement for both
capitalism and democracy.
The vindictive and inhumane approach advocated by supporters
of the embargo has not worked in over 30 years and it is time to
consider alternative measures to change our relationship with one
of our closest neighbors.
I urge you to consider the information
contained in these news articles as you evaluate the U.S. policy on
Cuba.

ose E. Serrano
Member of Congress

C:M~,1 ....... EE

�I

Congress Move on Cuba
Irks Canada and Mexico
By CLYDE H. FARNSWORTH

sored by Senator Jesse Helms, the
TORONTO, May 22 - Canada and North Carolina Republican who
Mexico have Joined forces to defeat heads the ·Foreign Relat1oos Com·
proposed American legislation that mittei!, and Representative Dan
would lighten the JJ.year-old trade Burton the Indiana Republican who
embargo against Cuba.
heads the the House Subcom mlttei!
nie extra-territorial reach or the on Western Hemisphere Arfa1rs.
bill which penaliies countries that
Canada and Mexico mainly ob1ect
ha~e commercial ties with Cuba, has to provisions that ban the import of
brought the protests of the two North sugar, syrups and molasses from
American Free Trade Assoc1at1on any country that buys these products
partners and their unusual coopera· from Cuba, prohibit American for·
lion In Washington.
eign subsidiaries from having any
In separate letters to members of financial dealings with Cuba. and
Congress, the canadian Ambassa~r deny entry into the United States or
to the United States. Raymond Oue- foreign citizens deemed to have had
tien, nephew of Prime Minister Jean dealings involving property tn Cuba i
Ouetlen, and the Mexican Ambassa- expropriated from Americans.
. '
dor. Jesus Silva-Herzog. say the rThe Globe arid :\tall has observea
measure seek.s to n!gulate what
tartly that Canadian execullves
their countries can and cannot do
would enter the same prohibited cat·
and wsm of aim~t certain retaliaegory as political militants and conl.ion.
victed felons.
concern Is so great in Canada that
Sherrill Inc., a Fort Saskatchean all;,arty deM!'Ption of members
wan, Alberta, mining company that
oi Parliament i.5 about to ta.ke argurecently started producing nidr.el II\
ments again.st the bill directly to the
Cuba, and Delta Ho&lt;els and Resorts,
with its nine Cuban properues, are
h.all.s ol Coog ress.
.
"We're going to explain how thtS
amoog Canadian compani~ that
bill lnte.rlere:s wtth our sovereignty,"
could be hit by sa.ncuoos in the
sald Paul ~ . en.airman of the
Helms-Burton bill.
St.andinl Committee on Industry of
Canada and Mexico say the legisthe House of Commoos.
lation violates underta.lungs ot the
"lt lrt.s a lot of us in Canada, and
United States under both the free
we' re no&lt; going to take it tymg
trade agr~ment and the new World
down," said Mr. W .1 New BrunsTrade OrganizatlOO.
wick Uberal who be.ads the do!lqaBeyond the adverse efrects on pol.ion )ointly with SW Graham, a Tolitical, trade and economic relauons,
ronto Ubena.l 111ho i.s chairman of the
Foreign Affairs Committee of the

ComrnMS.
.
The bill. whkh has stront badlllg
1n J)och houses of 0Jnare$S, Ls span-

A Canadian says a
U.S. bill 'interferes
with our
sovereignty.'

Ambassador Chr~tlen grumbled, the
bUI "would undermine the inte-grlty
of an lntem•tiaul legal syitem I
which ~rve:s bo&lt;h our countries."
j
By trying to rorce trade partners
10 sqliffze Cuba, the bill sets up a
secondary boycott, Cantda and Mex·
ico argue. But it hu lo(ig been illegal
in the United States ror union members to tct against an empk&gt;~r to
get it to bring pressure oo another
company. And In intern.itlonal relations the United States hu tradilJOn·
ally opposed secondary boycott .situations. like Arab pressure on third
countries to isolate Israel.
Historically, Canada and Cuba
have shared strong tra~ tk!s, and In
recent years tourism has thrived as
well. More than 120,000 C.9nadians
head for Cuban resorts every year,
accoonUng ror about a quarter or
visitors from abroad.
In the Central Amerlc.an-Canbbe·
an region, Cuba l.s Canada's second
largest trading partner after ~rto
Rico. Two-way trade was around
S22\ million last year, with Imports
and exports almO:St In bal~. Cana·
da chieny exports food product.s and
imports nickel and sugar.
Mexico's two-way trade was
somewhat smaller at SIS! million.
Mexico imported only· SI I million,
mainly rum and tobacco. Exports of
$150 million included oil and chemic.al products and detergfflts and
soap. Pemex, the st.ate-ollll&gt;ed Mexican oil ~ l y , has some in~tment.s in Cuban refineries. Mex.lean
olficial.s also report recent Invest·
ment.s in telecommunications. With
it.s own S1Jgar crop, Mexico l'.as oo&lt;
bought sugar from Cuba~ 1990.

But the sucar import prohibttlon
raises $!TiouS concuM ror C.lnada,
which annuaUy exports $500 mlllll:ln
worth ol products C1J11ta.ininc sugar
to the United States. Much of thl:s
commerce Is from AmericJ.n.ow'ned
subsidiaries like Kralt C.lnada Inc.,
whlch employ1 • In Cobourg, Oni.no, and makes ceruls and oelwr
pecltaa,ed foods conta.lninl qar.
Cuada Imports about $-40t million of
Ameran products contuuna SUI·
ar.
So, Canadian officials point out,
tnde hostilities owr ~ couJd
en.se nearly SI billian ol bilateral
trade and the thcma.llds ol Jobs It

a,enerates.

"We're noc c:halJen&amp;lnl the right of
the u.S. to Impose an embargo," said
Bruno Picard, an aJde to the tanadlan Trade MlniSter, Roy Maclaren.

"We share similar pis rqudtna
democracy la Cuba· and a manet·
oriented eccnomy. But " dlsacree
on the means to ,et there. We favor
more encaaement and duque,
rather than • boycott"

New York Times, May 23, 1995

I

�Economic Liberalization of Cuba
Favored in Study of U.S. Stance,·.
A new Pent.agoo-commi53ion~ study

o{

Cuba and cl. U.S. poljcy toward the i:sb.tid say,
that cootiooed ecoocmic !ibenli:ation under
the OIIPZll¥nst regime led ',y f"Jdel Castro
W'OUJd came the least upbean.l il Cuban ,ociety and hz'n! fewer ~tive eoo:seque:oces fur

the Uaited St.ates thm other ~tives.
The $285,000 study is the wort ol U.S.
and h,.san policy ~ indodi:nc ,ome
who ~ ulba fl the ~ t cl. the

Conner So-net Union.. It sa~ tb.ai ndial ecooomic re«m llllldel- u:stro, or his mnon.l
from p.,wer through death or a ~
portai o,up, 1"0Wd Clll:'le ~ tut•
moil 1l'it.!m. the Cubm umed furtt5 and cmJ.
i.ul 90Ciety. This.. 111 tum, couJd ~ U.S.
m.iliury int.en,ential and m unpr~ted
exodus o.r Cuban immignnts to the United
St.ates. the study si,-.s.
-cuba is already I Ila lion in historic tnnsibllll... . . . With oir without F"idel Castro ii
command. the oountr, 1t'ilJ underr&gt; fiat.her

ei:ooorruc, s,cx:w, and military tnns!onnations-pertu p, modest and incremental,
perhaps sharp and sudden,. said the study'
wbich has ~n circulated at the White
House and on Capitol Hill.
The study 1VU ~ and directed by I
privite coosultJOt.. Nestor Sanche:z, 1 ·ronner
CIA officiaJ ,mo sened in the Reacan admmtntioo u ~ ~ t 9ea'etaty at . .
re~ ror intenutiocul security afbir,. In
1963, ClA aceit Sanches delivered a pen with
a bidden ~ llll!edle to a Cooan a,esit
in Paris who bad ptan.1 to .ISS1:SSiiiat.e Castro.
A ,ena Pent.ap official de9aibed the
study as a •crisis manarem,em ,,_. to be
comide:t ed b 1191! by admmistratm md wy officia.ls in the n-ent cl. a crim in U.S.-Otban relatr.os. The new, cl. ,ome cl. its mthan
oxitr.a:st both with pttv.lilinc u idl!loqy ~
r.ard Cuba md CliDtllO admini!ltntion pcicy of
OlllonuiDC eonxnic pmsqre Oil the i11D1. ..
1"he ecxnni,: leffl' il Amerian 111:mda.ii
(A crucial ~ . · ffl.el Andrei~
khin, pre:sidl!nt al the Center fer CCl6:t Rea.
&lt;*Jtioo in Mocow. "The Uaitted s.tates cmd

Washington Post, May 19, 1995

.s.

�Odd Allies Await Clinton
If U.S. Shifts Cuba Policy
•••

~veral GOP Conservatives
.,,. Back Easing Sanctions
In Return for Reforms
-'\JI

The Wall Street Journal, March 16, 1995

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                    <text>~ongrrss of tbt 1tnittb ~tatts
Da~bington. ]JBqt 20515
January 17, 1997
Dear Colleague:
You recently received a letter from a colleague calling for the repeal of both the Cuban Democracy
Act of 1992 (known as the "Torricelli Bill") and the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996
(known as "Helms-Burton Law"). We are confident that you are familiar with these two pieces of
legislation and, most importantly, with the issues affecting the Cuban people and U.S.-Cuba relations.
Nevertheless, we feel compelled to clarify certain inaccurate statements made concerning the content,
purpose, and effect of the sanctions against the Castro dictatorship.
First and foremost, both initiatives conform to and further the objectives of U.S. foreign policy.
They are real, tangible instruments used to help promote respect for human rights and basic civil liberties in
Cuba; to support democratic political reform; and, most importantly, to demonstrate to the Cuban people
that the U.S. will not contribute to their oppression by providing a lifeline to the Castro regime. It
emphasizes that the U.S. is more concerned about the future of the Cuban people than it is with increasing
its profits or its foreign investments that help to further entrench Castro; that it will not allow its citizens or
its corporations to benefit from the continued subjugation of the Cuban people.
Only one thing, one person, is responsible for the suffering of the people in Cuba -- Fidel Castro.
Let us not be fooled into believing that the Cuban people are starving as a result of the U.S. trade embargo.
The Castro regime has always had access to other markets, yet the people on the island are living at subpoverty levels. Today, non-U.S. investors provide a considerable influx of funds into Cuba, yet these never
find their way to the Cuban citizenry. As if these facts were not enough in and of themselves, it should be
emphasized that the embargo legislation includes provisions exempting humanitarian assistance from its
prohibitions.
Helms-Burton specifies that economic sanctions may be lifted by the President upon the occurrence
of fundamental conditions, of which the essential ones are: the legalization of political activity~ the
liberation of all political prisoners; and the announcement by the transition government that free elections
will be held in Cuba in no more than 18 months. As the history of democratic transitions from totalitarian
rule has shown, these conditions will be essential to the democratic transition that the Cuban people
deserve.
Lastly, before any decisions are ever made concerning reconciliation and dialogue with the Castro
regime, the views and opinions of the Cuban people should be considered -- not those of individuals offered
by the regime and coached to speak in sound bites and official rhetoric, but those who are persecuted or
punished for their political ideals and beliefs. The vast majority of the Cuban people supports and respects
the U.S. for taking a stand against the Cuban dictator and for supporting the reestablishment of freedom,
liberty, and justice for the people of Cuba.
The U.S. has, in fact, assumed its leadership role guided by a moral and just foreign policy in the
form of the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 and the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996.
We thank you once again for your support of the right of the Cuban people to be free.

'

Robert Menen ez
Member of Congre s

Chairman, Committee on
International Relations

Chairman,Subcommitteeon
International Operations and

rnc~-.:~..IJI;•;==-Chairman, Committee on
Government Reform and

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                    <text>RONALD V. DELLUMS

WASHINGTON OFFICE

9TH DISTRICT, CALIFORNIA

scon

CARLOITIA A. w.
ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT

RANKING MINORITY

CHARLES C. STEPHENSON, JR.
LEGISLATIVE DIRECTOR

COMMIITEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY
REPLY TO
OFFICE CHECKED:
0

0

DISTRICT OFFICE

Qrongrtsn of t4t Nnitth ~atts

2108 RAYBURN H.0.B.
WASHINGTON, DC 20515
(202) 225-2661

Mnu.se nf iepre.sentatiue.s

1301 CLAY STREET
SUITE 1000-N
OAKLAND, CA 94612
(510) 763-0370

SANDRE R. SWANSON
DISTRICT DIRECTOR
H. LEE HAL TERMAN
GENERAL COUNSEL

September 18, 1995
WHY WE SHOULD VOTE AGAINST H.R. 927

Dear Colleagues:
H.R. 927, the "Cuban Liberty &amp; Democratic Solidarity Act will probably be
considered tomorrow, Wednesday, September 20. H.R. 927 will further
tighten the embargo against Cuba and reinforce sanctions against foreign
nations and businesses to stop trading with Cuba. I urge you to vote against
it.
The overall effect of the bill on U.S. policy in the Caribbean may be best
addressed by remarks made by Gen. John J. Sheehan, Commander in Chief,
U.S. Atlantic Command, regarding a new security system for the Western
Hemisphere during his keynote address to the Caribbean Security Symposium on April 18, 1995 in Coral Gables, Florida.
The following are excerpts from the General's speech as reported, quoted by,
and commented upon by the U.S. Atlantic Command Press Release of the
same date. I will be happy to make the release available to you; please call
Ying Lee at 5-2261 for a copy.
"Cuba is not a military threat to the U.S. or the region; it is a social and
economic collapse of Cuba that I am concerned with .... U.S. interests in the
Caribbean are economic. The problems we deal with are illegal economic
migration and drugs."
"The general pointed out that the hemisphere's security is not threatened by external enemies but rather by environmental degradation, rapid
population growth, slow economic development and social imbalances."
"He also pointed out that the events of 1994 demonstrated that economic instability in the Caribbean and elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere,
will manifest itself in the form of a flood of legal and illegal migrants to more
developed nations. "
"Since my command, U.S. Atlantic Command, is responsible for caring
for tens of thousands of Cuban and Haitian refugees that fled their countries
last year and approximately 20,000 still remaining in temporary camps on the
U.S. Naval Station in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, I can assure you that the economic and, in one case, the political difficulties of the region will eventually
become a major problem requiring vast resources for only temporary
solutions."

I believe that the General's comments reflect the reality that tightened
economic sanctions against Cuba will destabilize the region, to the detriment
of U.S. security interests. I urge you to consider his comments and to join
with me in opposing this bill.

ellurns
Member of Congress

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CONGRESSMEN MO AKI .E Y, MCGOVERN, Nl::AL, Dl:: LA II UNT
CUBA TR.IP: J ANIJAR Y n.26, 1998

DRAFT ITI NE RARY
G,m~ralb,fo:
Hote!Meli1Cohib1

U.S.!nteresuSectmn

Avda.PaseoentrelAy3AVcdado
Ciudad de 1..1 Habana CUBA

Tel:011·537·333-6!6
Fu:OIJ.537.334.555

Mr. F.J. Gould, Control Officer

Te1:0!1·S37·333·SS!
Fu:Oll·S37-)7().331

Frid ay lanuao:13 1993
Chcci.:-in-- BoJton Logan Airport Taminal B
Amo:ricm Airlma C-ount~- Special Cuba trip dcsignauon

7:30 am

9:00 am

Dqwt Benion
NorthA muk111Alrll11es Flt#XGI

I :00 pm

Arrive Havana - Joae Marti International Airport

2:00 pm

Check-in - ll old Melia Coll.Iba

)'30 pm

Meeting w/CUl»n Minister of Public Health
re:H=itarian FoodandMcdicineluuestffectlngCUbanpeoplc
ll ottl Mtll1Coll.lb1

5:00 pm

Mass with Cardinal Law and MhdiocaeofBoslOII Group

8:00pm

Dirmer
ll otel Mtli•Ccl hlba

Sat:ardnJaovaa24122S
11:30-10:00am
10:!Sam • 2:30pm

Visit to Odam food projoct II Gilberto Leon Coopcntivc
T nn,port1tiompro~ldffl byU.S. l11tertstS«tio11 va11

�S1tuo:bY£PDliDH(d
3:00 pm

Leisun: lime/tour of Old Havana Ciiy

6:00pm

RcceptiooforArd!dioeffCOfBo1tonGmup- H&lt;MtcdbyChiefofU.S.

Mission, Michael Kozak
U.S. Interests S«UOA Principal Offictr'1 Resid~nce
2115 150thStrut,C11b• n•un
Transport• tion pr(l'"tded by U.S. Interests Section vu

Suud1yJann10:1/!lffl
9:30am-12-30n

Papa!Mass-PopeJohnPaulll
J0&lt;c Mu1i Rn-ol11tion1ry Squre, ll nana

2:00-•:00pm

Lunchmcctingw/ OliefofU.S.Miuion,Michac\Kouk
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Transportation Provided by U.S. Interests Section v•n

4:00. 5:00 pm

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U.S. Interests Stctioo Prlodpal Officn's Rctidtnce

7:00. 9;00 pm

Meetings wi!h 0.,1,,an aovemmcnt official•
T.B.A.

MondoyJ19110:26-199H
9:00 am

Mus with Canlinal Law and Alctldioeffe group· Celebrated by Cardinal
Ortcga.,ArdibishopoObvana
Cll urcb of J esus 111 Mlramu, ll uana

1 :00 pm

Dq,an Havana - Joae Marti lntcm.alfonal AiJport
North American AlrUaes F1t# XG2

4:40 pm

Arrive Boston Logan Airpon Tenninal. E- International Anivall

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14] 002/011

CONFERENCE REPORT ON HELMS-BURTON
Although it is unclear whether the draft Conference Report on
Helms-Burton legislation accurately reflects what the
Conference will ultimately decide, the draft report adopts
significant portions of the more radical House bill.
It will
closely resemble the bill that Secretary Christopher has
recommended that the President veto.
In all but two or three
areas in which there is a substantive difference between the
House and Senate versions, the Conference Report adopts the
version that is more objectionable to the Administration.

Iitle III
While the number of lawsuits likely to be brought under Title
III has been reduced as a result of Conference changes, these
changes to do address our underlying principled objections.
The impact of Title III on our relations with allies, prospects
for settling certified claims, our broader international claims
practice, and for Cuba's transition would still be extremely
negative.
Our international law objections remain applicable.
(See separate description of the revised Title III.)

Title IV (Visa Ineligibility for ''Traffickers"}

It appears certain that Conferees will include some version of
the House provision, global in scope, barring entry into the
U.S. by "traffickers" in expropriated property.
It is
possible, however, that the language may be softened to allow
that Administration flexibility in determining when to apply
the exclusion.
In either case, implementation would be
problematic and would create serious friction with our allies.
Re~uirements

for

Transition and

Democratic

Governments

Conferees will adopt the strict requirements, closer to the
House version, for both a transition and a democratic Cuban
Government. Among the requirements for a transition government
are that it dissolve the Department of State Security and that
Fidel or Raul Castro not be included in such a government
(regardless of whether they had agreed to elections and other
democratic reforms.)
IFI

Programs during a TransitLQ.D

While conferees will adopt Senate language allowing U.S.
support for IFI loans during a transition in Cuba, the
requirement to oppose Cuban memberships in IFis until a
democratic government is in power could -- depending on the
rules of the applicable IFI
make it effectively impossible
to approve loans.

Assistance Plan tor Cuba Under Transitipn/Pemocratic

Governments

The draft report indicates the Conference will adopt the House
version of the provisions concerning assistance to Cuba under

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2 -

future governments. Although the House version contains a
provision which appears to permit planning for assistance
determined to be 11 essential to the successful completion of the
transition to democracy," which could cover democracy-building
and other types of assistance beyond humanitarian aid, the
provision is so badly drafted as to create considerable
ambiguity about its scope. The House version still would
require additional authorizing legislation before the USG could
provide any assistance. This latter element would reduce the
attractiveness of Title I I as a "carrot'' for change in Cuba.

Remittances
The Conferees will adopt the Senate's sense of Congress
provision concerning circumstances under which the USG should
generally license remittances or travel-related transactions.
There is no indication, however, that the Conferees will delete
the House language which appears to prohibit~ remittances
until there is a transition government in Cuba.

li.ews Bureaus
The authorization for news bureaus stipulates that the
authorization is available only if, among other things, Radio
and TV Marti journalists are allowed to gather news in Cuba
without interference before any news bureaus are established.
This would essentially contradict our statements to both the
public and the Cuban Government regarding implementation of the
President's October 6 measures. Although we may, as a
technical legal matter, be able to proceed with the President's
news bureaus decision on the basis of separate statutory
authority, the inclusion of the purported requirements could
create a significant political difficulties for our news
bureaus policy.

support for the Cuban People
Language will be included authorizing U.S. assistance to
support democratic groups in Cuba, but with a requirement that
"no funds or assistance be provided to the Cuban Government."
Since the GOC or its entities (such as state-run hotels) could
derive limited, indirect financial benefit from assistance,
this language could interfere with our grant to Freedom House
or other projects.

Russian Aid
Conferees will adopt Senate version of the restrictions (which
are broader in scope than those in the House version) on
assistance to NIS states for involvement with SIGINT facilities
in Cuba and will include the House provisions restricting
assistance to countries or entities that assist in the
completion of a nuclear power plant in Cuba. The Conferees
will preserve the waiver/carve-out provisions which make these
provisions less problematic.

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- 3 -

Sugar/Trade
The mild Senate version of the provision concerning trade with
countries which import Cuba sugar, which simply exhorts the
Administration to enforce current law, will be adopted.

Civil Penalties
The Conference report would preserve the Senate language
authorizing the Administration to make use of civil penalties
in enforcing embargo regulations on educational, religious and
other travel. This would be useful.

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Helms-Burton Title III - conference version
The revised version of Helms-Burton Title III likely to be
approved by House-Senate conferees includes several significant
changes.
While these changes will reduce in practical terms
the scope of problems the bill would cause by either limiting
the numbers or delaying the filing of lawsuits, they do not
address the central objections the Administration has expressed.
Signifi~ant
o

Changes

During the first two years after enactment, only certified
claimants could file suit against "traffickers.'' Cuban
Americans with claims could file them after that time.
This change would for a time significantly reduce the
potential number of Title III suits filed.

o

Court judgments against the Cuban Government and its agents
and instrumentalities would not be enforceable against
transition or democratic governments.
(Because of
ambiguities in the language, courts might rule that
judgments against Cuban governmental agencies and
instrumentalities could be enforced against those entities
but not the government itself -- even after a transition.
This change would address to some extent our concerns
that such judgments would burden future governments
while they are trying to resolve property issues and
begin Cuba's economic reconstruction.
It would also
discourage suits against the current Cuban Government,
since there would be little possibility of recovering
damages.

o

A filing fee would be established to defray the costs of

processing cases in federal courts.
While it is not clear that such a filing fee would
cover all costs nor eliminate all the administrative
problems the suits, this change will allow proponents
to argue that Title III will be "budget neutral."
o

The "threshold" property value requirements for a Title III
is $50,000, not including interest,
Our reading of the
bill suggests that a suit could be filed if EITHER the
value of the property at the time of the taking of property
OR its current "fair market value" exceeds $50,000.
While this new threshold may reduce the number of
eligible claimants somewhat, there would still be a
large pool of eligible plaintiffs.
The Foreign Claims
Settlement Commission certified 259 claims with a
principal value over $50,000.
The value of many
properties on which other certified claims are based
will likely have appreciated to more than $50,000
since then.
We have no record of how many properties
now claimed by Cuban-Americans would be valued at more
than $50,000.

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2 -

o

Several changes to the bill would in effect allow almost
all claimants, particularly certified claimants, to seek
treble damages.

o

The authority of the President to suspend Title I I I suits
after a transition government is in power is clearer now.
Any exercise of this authority by the President would
be extremely difficult in practical terms, and could
give rise to takings litigation against the U.S.

o

Certified claimants would get first priority if a pool is
established, e.g. a class action settlement fund, to pay
Title III lawsuits.
This change attempts to address the concerns of
certified claimants.

o

The bill now sets a two year statute of limitations period,
such that suits may not be brought more than two years
after trafficking occurs.
While this could preclude some old cases, the broad
definition of utrafficking" to include 11 use" of
property means that ongoing trafficking, even if it
began more than two years ago could still serve as the
basis for a lawsuit.

Central Administration Concerns that Remain
o

The right of action, no matter how limited, still will be
challenged by our allies as an improper extra-territorial
application of U.S. law. We would strenuously object if
other countries sought to deter U.S. investment in Germany
or China in this fashion.

o

Even a more limited number of suits will still constitute a
dangerous precedent that, if followed by other countries,
would increase the litigation risks of U.S. businesses
abroad.

o

In current form, the bill would in fact permit lawsuits
against U.S. companies investing in u.s.-claimed properties
in Cuba after a transition government is in power.

o

Title III still circumvents, and so undermines, the
internationally recognized and accepted claims resolution
process.
It will still complicate USG efforts to seek
compensation for certified claimants.

14] 006/011

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3 -

o

The new version of Title III still damages prospects for a
transition to democracy.
It will allow the Cuban
Government to depict the U.S. -- and particularly Cuban
Americans -- as poised to take away homes and schools.
It
sends the wrong signal to the Cuban people about how the
U.S. intends to seek resolution of claims, and what role
the U.S. is prepared to play during a transition.

o

Title I I I might still generate a large number of lawsuits
in U.S. federal courts. Fees might not fully cover added
costs, and the administrative burden will still likely be
onerous.

o

Title I I I still permits suits against agencies and
instrumentalities of foreign states -- and perhaps foreign
states themselves, in a manner which is not supported under
international law.

f4J 007 /0ll

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Talking Points on Revised Title III
o

The right of action, even if limited, is an improper use of
federal courts and an improper extra-territorial
application of U.S. law. Our allies will still strongly
object to this version of Title III. N.!a would strenuously
object if other countries sought to deter U.S. investment
in other countries in the world in this fashion.

o

The bill will still constitute a dangerous precedent that,
if followed by other countries, would increase the
litigation risks of U.S. businesses abroad.

o

Title III still circumvents, and so undermines, the
internationally recognized and accepted claims resolution
process.
The U.S. Government has been very successful in
obtaining compensation for U.S. claimants in other
countries under this process.

o

Title III will still complicate USG efforts to seek
compensation for certified claimants.
It will be difficult
and time-consuming to sort out which claimants have
received damages under Title III, which have not, which
cases are still pending, etc. These delays will hurt both
U.S. claimants and Cuban efforts to privatize assets.

o

Among the primary targets of lawsuits could be U.S.
businesses investing in Cuba after a transition government
is in power.

o

The new version of Title III still damages prospects for a
transition to democracy.
It will allow the Cuban
Government to depict the U.S. -- and particularly Cuban
Americans -- as poised to take away homes and schools on
the island.
The bill sends the wrong signal to the Cuban people
about how the U.S. intends to seek resolution of
claims, and what role the U.S. is prepared to play
during a transition.

o

Title III might still generate a large number of lawsuits
in U.S. federal courts. Fees might not fully cover added
costs, and the administrative burden will still likely be
onerous.

14] 008/011

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What's Wrong with Helms/Burton?
Administration Talking Points
0

:the Belms bill would not promote a peaceful transition in
Cuba.
New sanctions against foreign investors
("traffickers") would p:r:ovide a rallying point for Castro
_inside Cuba, and allow him to keep the focus on "U.S.
aggression" rather than on the need for reforms.

0

The bill's attempts to increase existing pressure on the
Cuban government would likely be counterproductive, and
could be more damaging to
interests than to ~astro.

u.s.

0

The bill would create serious fricticns with our allies at
a time when they are becoming more active and helpful in
promoting human rights in Cuba. Because of its
extra-territorial reach, the Helms bill will focus allies'
attention on opposing U.S. policy, rather than on pressing
for democracy in Cuba.

0

While U.S. policy is to discourage foreign investment in
Cuba, particularly when it would involve expropriated U.S.
properties, our efforts to deter it should not prompt us to
sacrifice our broader inte~est~ or undermine valuable
principles of international law.

0

Title III of the bill, which would allow U.S. nationals
with e~propriation claims against Cuba to sue in U.S.
courts third country nationals who invest ("traffic") in
those properties, is a bad iooa.

It could clog up u,s, courts with a flood of lawsuits,
filed mainly by Cuban-Americans.
It would complicate prospects for resolving the claims

of certified U.S. claimants (and hamper future Cuban
privatization efforts) by tying up properties in
court.
Certified U.S. claimants oppose this bill.
It would create a dan9erous precedent that, if
followed by other countries, ~o~ld ex~ose U.S.
investors in Eastern Europe, China or elsewhere .t.o.
lawsuits in third countries anywhere in the world
brought by disgruntled property claimants.
It would be extremely difficult to justify under
international law and has already drawn harsh
criticism from our allies.
o

The u.s. expects to negotiate successful resolution o±
certified claims with a future Cuban Government under
existing international law, and assist other U.S. claimants
as well.

o

The
already has in place against Cuba its toughest and
most comprehensive ecQnQrnic embargo.
The embargo has
helped to force the limited but positive economic changes.

o

Let's keep international pressure on Castro, not focus it
on ourselves.

u.s.

[4J 009/011

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STATE LEG AFF.

'6'202 647 9667

EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE

Qj:

MANAGE.MEW ANO BUOCil:T

WASHINGTON, D.C. 2'06Q3

September 2 o,

199 5 ( SENT)

(House)

STATEMENT OF ADMINISTRATION POLICY
H.R. ~22 - Cuban Liberty ang Democr~tic solid~rjty Act
(Burton (R) IN and 43 co•ponsors)

The Aciminis~ration suppo~ts tha central objective ot H.R. 927,
i.e., to promote a peaceful transition to democracy in cuba.
However, H.R. 927 contains a number o! aeriously objectionable
provisions that would not advance U.S. interests in Cuba and
would damage other U.S. interests. Therefore, the President•s
senior advisers would recommend that H.R. 927 be vetoad unless
the follo~ing ~revisions are deleted or amended:
The bill would encroach upon the President's exclusive
authori~y under the Constitution to conduct tor~ign

affairs, or otherwise unduly limit th&amp; President's
!lexioility, by purporting to require the President or the
Executive branch to pursue certain courses o! ac~ion
regarding Cuba.
Mandatory provisions should be replaced
with pr~eatory language in the !ollowing sections: l02(b);
1 o4 (a) ;

11 o (b) ;

112 ; 2 o1 ; 2 o2 ( e) ;

2 a 3 ( c) ( l) ; and 2 a J ( c) ( J) .

The e~emption in section l02(d} from civil penalty
auehority for activities relatQd to research, education and
certain oth~r purpo5es, and the burdensome requirement for
an agency hearing for civil penalties in other oases,
greatly limits the effactivQnQSS or civil penalties as~
tool for improving embargo enforcement. Section 102(d)
should be amended to address this shortcoming.
Section 103 should be amended to make the prohibition of
certain rinancing transactions subject to the discretion of
the President.

section 104{a) should be amended to urge U.S. opposition to
Cuban membership or participation in Intornational
Financial Institutions (IFis) only until a transition
government is in power to enable the lFis to support a
rapid transition to democracy in CUba. Section 104(b),
which would require withholding U.S. payments to IFis,
could place the U.S. in violation of international
commitments and undermine their ef!ective tunctioning.
This ~ection should be deleted.
sections 106 and llO(b), ~hich would dony foreign

asei~tance to countries, i ! they, or in tho c~se ot

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[4J 011/011

2

section llO(b), private entities 1n these countries,
provide certain support to Cuba, should be deleted.
Section 106 would undermine i~portant U.S. support for
reform in Russia. Section llO(b) is cast .so broadly ae to
have a profoundly adverse affect on a ~ida range of U.S.

Government activities.
Section 202(b) (2) (iii), which would bar transactions
related to family travel and remittances from relatives of
Cubans in the United States until a transition government
is in power, is too inflexible and should be delQted.
Sec~ions 205 and 206 would establish overly-rigid
requirements for tr~nsition and democratic governments in
Cuba that could lGave the United States on the sidelines,
unable to support clearly positive developments in Cuba
when such support might be essential. The criteria ahould
be "factors to be considered" ra'thCilr than requirements.
By failing to provide stand-alone authority for assistance

to a transition or democratic goverrunent in Cuba, Title II

signale a lack of U.S. resolve to support a transition to
democracy in Cuba.

Title III, which would create a private cause of action !or
u.s. na~ionals to sue foreigners who invest in property
located entirely outside the United states, should ge
deleted. Applying U.S. law extra-territorially in this
fashion would create friction with our allies, be difficult
to defend under international law, and would create a
precedent that would increase litigation risks tor U.S.
companies abroad. It would also diminish the prospects of
settlement o! the claims ot the nearly 6,000 U.S. nationals
whose claims have been certified by the Foreign Claims
Settlement Commission. Secause U.S. as well as foreign
persons may De suQd under section 302, this provision could
create a major l8gal barrier to th• participation of U.S.
businesses in the rebuilding o! Cuba onca a transition
.begins.

Title IV, which would require the Federal Government to
exclude from the UnitQd States any parson who has
confiscated, or 11 traffics 11 in, property to which a u.s.
citizen h~s a claim, should be deleted. It would apply not
only to Cuba, but wcrld-vide, and would apply to foreign
nationals who are not themselves responsible tor any
illegal expropriation of property, and thus would create
friction with our allies. It would rQquire tha State
Department to make difficult and burdensome determinations
about property claims and investment in property 4broad
which are outside the Department'9 traditional area of
expertise.

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                    <text>Jan-16-96 10:54A Am Bus Council

(202)

on Cuba

P.Ul

543-5177

ABC Forum On Cuba, Inc.
113 Fourth Street S.E., Washington, DC 20003
Tel. (202) 543-3210 Fax (202) 543-5177

Facsimile Transmission Sheet
To:
Fax#:

From:

Susan

Trabucchi

Date:

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Number of Pages Including Cover Sheet

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(202)
fOREIGN ASSE'!S

543-6177

P.02
~001

DE~ARTMENT OF 'l'Ht TRio:ASURY

•

YIIASklNtl'tON

OFFICE OF FOREIGN ASSETS CONTROL
1500 Penn• lvani&amp; Ava., N.W.
Annex B d9., 2nd Floor
washinciton, be 20220

1

Date:

If_ -'- '-2
(including cov~r-;Ji;et)

202/622-2soo
202/622-1657

Phone;
PAX:

NUMBER OF PAGES

CO!Q,SENT:

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IF THIS TRANSMISSION IS INCOMPLETE, PLEA.SE CALL:

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OEPARTMENT 01" THE TREASURY

•

WASMINGTON,

c,.c. aoa:ao

C-18167a

Dear Mr. Ryan:
on ~anuary 15, 1996, the ABC Forum on CUha, Inc. ("Al3C") received
a license !rom the Oftiee ot ForQign AssetS1 Cont:t:'ol ("FAc 0 )
authorizing transactiQns related to~ conferenc• sponsored by ABC
in Cuba entitled, "The United stat~s: aT'ld C\\ba:
A New England
Per~peetiva," In addition to autl'loriz:tng the conference itself,

the

license

authori~ed

the

trav~l-relqted

transactions

of

participants in th• conferance. This license was issu~d pursuant
to S 515.574 of the Cuban Asaets Control Regulations, 31 C,F.R.
Part 515 (the "Regulatioru: 11 ) , a new provision entitled 11 Support for
the CUbc1.n People," which a:t't:iculates a l:&gt;&amp;sia for authorizing
transactions that are intended to atrengthQn and foster civil

~oci•ty in Cuba &amp;nd p~omote independent activity.

You indicated in a number of ~ubmissiona to FAC in support of your
license application ~hat the partioipante in the confa.rence w~re
co:mmitted to exploring• variety or possi~l• activities in Cuba
eonsis't.@l'lt with th• purpose of S 515. !574, that ia, providing
support to th9 Cuban p~opl$.
Acuu~ding to your representation~.
tha~ is the sole put:posa of the trip. We huve agreed to lic8nse
the conferanca based on those ~epr~sentations and your assurance
that no other activiti~g innoneist~nt with tha inte~t and purpose
of S 515.574 will be undertaken.
In

ABC's co~nsel, 3. Bernard Robinaon, dated
he indicated thl\t ABC wo1.1ld like to conduct
additional conferences in the future.
Whether ABC will receive
a

letter

January 12,

from

1996,

Ai~ilar licenses in the tuturA will d~pend on the •!fectivenegs of
this conference in launching licensable initiatives consistent with
th• Regulations. We look torward to dii;;cussing the conf arance wi t:h

you upon your return and after the filing or yo~r written report
with FAC, In addition, we will discuss with the attend~@s th~ir
participation as well as t.h~ir futu~e plans for projects in Cuba.

~~lr,/)~
Richai.-d Newcomb
irector
Offill~ of: f'oreign Assets Control

Mr. MiehaQl J, Ryan
ABC Forwn on Cu:bc1, inc.
113 Fourth Street, S.E.
Washin9ton, DC 20003

Enclosure

�Jan-16-96 10:55A Am Bus Council
VL'L0'W0
LL : JU
"U"V ,u, o,,ioov

on Cuba

( 202)

543-5177

I-"• U&lt;f.

141003

tVUJ.~i'C A::&gt;::&gt;t.l's

DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
WA:SHINGTON, p .c;, 20220

Liaense
LICElfS•

•o.

C•llld7a

(Granted u~d•~ ;be autnarity of SO u.s.c. App. S(b), 22 o.a.c. 2310(•), 22 u.s.c. 6001 ~t.
seq., t~ecutive order 9193, Executive order 9989, Proclamation 3447, and 31 CFK Pait 515)

Kichae1 J. Ryan, Jaaes KcGovorn, J. Bernard Robiusou

To:

(th• "Licen5eea")
ABC ForulD on CUba, · Inc::.

11~ ~ourth street, S.E.
Washington, o.c. 20003
Attn, Michael J. Ryan
1.
P\lrsuant to your application cf Dece=er 13, l99S, a11 suppl4!tl'lented January 2,
Janu~ry l2, and J&amp;nuary 14, lQ~6, the trlU\•&amp;ct1ona de~cribed fqlly on Paga 2 are he~eby

liocnsad.
2. Thi• lii;;•m,e ia grant.~d upon the a:~atemente and repres•ntations ai.ad• in you.r
.~lication, or o~horwiae filed with or made to the Tre&amp;aury o~par~ment a•• suppl~ent to
your application, And i5 aQbject ~o the conditions, ata0ng others, th&amp;~ ycu comply in all
~espects with all t•oulations, rulinga, orders ~nd t~•tt'Uctions issuect by ttie Seoret~ry of
the Treasury ,mder the a.l.lthorltt of section 620(a), Pu.bli&lt;; Law 87-19S, er under the -lQthority
of &amp;ection ~Cb) ot ~he Act of Octoh~r 6, 1917, &amp;• a.mended, and the ter«1e of thi• licanae.
3. The lieen••• anill.l furni.i5h and make available for i.napgctlori 11ny rel~v~nt j,nfgrmati.ot'l 1
reoorde or reperte r•(lU••ted by the Swcrcrtary of the .reasury or •ny duly autho~i~ed officer
oi: agency of the seereeary. such record• shall b• rNde available for exam.in~tion l.lpon d~and
for examination upon dal'Q.nd fer at btaat S yeiU's froai ~hv date of the license. 5uch racor-d&amp;
shall clearly ~emo~•trate the applicability of tha authoriz&amp;tion ~et forth in $!C"rION l
abov•-

4, Thi.fl l..i.~enae e.xp1ras on January 30, 1996, is not tra.nsfer&amp;ble, ;i.a •ubject to the

prcvieione of Title .31 , Part 515 of the Cede of Ftl!deral Jtegulation•, and any regu1.uor1e and
ruling~ issued purauant th~re~o &amp;J'!.d m&amp;y be revoked or modi~i•d at any time at the discretion
o! the 5•cretary of the Treasury .ctino directly or through the &amp;gancy throuqh whleh the
license waa igaued, or &amp;ny gthar agency deeignated Py the S•~retary of the Treaaury. If this
license wa• ia§ued as A ~wault of willful misrepresenta~ion on the p.rt of the appl~cant or
hie duly authoriz~d agent, it mAy, in the discrat~an of the secretary of the Trea&amp;ury. ba
daclarKd vo1~ tr0111 the date of ite iaeuance. or from 8.J'\y other date.
!. Thi• licen~e doea not exeusv eomplianc• with any law or rs9',1lat1on adJniniGta~~d
by the oltice of Foraign Aeeet8 cont~ol er 4tlother ag~cy (including ~eporting requirement)
apflic4'ble tQ tha tran,action(s) h•rein lie•nsed, nor does i t release the ~ioenaae(s) or
third pa.rtiea from eivil o~ eriminal liability tor violation of any law o~ regulation.

I55Qed by direction and on behalf of the

�Jan-16 - 96

10:55A Am Bus Counci I on Cuba

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11:J1

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Lia•aee Ko. c-1a11,-a
Licensees;

l£U£)

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0::100~

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- Page 2 of 2 -

Kiohaal J. ~yan, Jaaea McGovern•

a. ••rnar4 Robinson

a) Thi$ licenae autho~izes all transactions rela~ad to t:h~ sponso~8hip of
a conference in CUba entitled, "The United stat~s. and CUba:
A New England
PerspQctiva"
(the "Ccnflirence") t o ~ h~ld Jahuary 16-19, 1~96, pursuant to

section 515,,74 ot the Cuban A.Ssets control Regulations, 31 CFR Part 515.
b) Transactions incident to travel to, froJa and witnin Cuba arG authori!ad
fo~ the duration or tho conf~r~nce (•xcluding departure and arrival days) for
the following Conterence participants;
~
t-lDLl.)~
James L. Ackfll'man -

Pat~r
JMnes

c. Aldrich

~~

.

~

D4 1 ,

e(""'t, t-

Ar•na-Oe.Rosa

Ka~ryn Burns
Leslie 8WDstead
Michael Delaney
Leonal C:omez

R.D.S. Grea1'1way
Richard Hartman
Anthony E. Malkin

Jonathon R. Malkin
.James Mc:Govarn
Sydney L. Killer
J. Joseph Moakley
.John Pattillo
Gilbert' S, Peirce
Praxed~s Rive.ra-Fer~er

J. Bernard Robinson
nrian G. Rothwell
Micha.el J. Ryan
John A. si~ourin
Regin11 M, Villa
11 ± 18l LB flu•
Donald Wertlieb

8BCTIO!r I
WUlaJJG:
This 11c•nse does not lluthori2!'e th~ contl9rence
partieipAnts to engage in any transaction~ or othc~ acti~ities inconsistent~ith
seetion 515.474, 11 support for the Cuban People ...
* * * * * * * * * * * • • * • • * • * * • * * * * • • * * * • • * • • • i

�Jan-16-96

10:55A Am Bus Council

U1'1V'¥V

11:Ji

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on Cuba
(202)
ruu1v~ A!&gt;!)t:i~

t""'. UC

543-51//

l(l!OOS

l '.?./6195

r

l

)lar,lw:ourul
On October 6 of thi~ year. Presidenl ClinLon announced

:i number

of measures intended

to further lhe abilicy of individu~I Americans and U.S. Non.Governmental O,·ganiz..itions
(USNOOs) to contribute to the strengthening of civil society in Cuba. Among these in~u1~
was the decision to create a new license category in the Cul&gt;a11 As.sets Control RtfHlarion~
based 01'I the provisions of t.he Cuba Democracy Al~I of 1992. On o,tober l) the Tr~ury
OeparunMr. i~s11ed teg1.1lation Sl5.S74 b:ased on the "Support for the Cuban reor,te· section of

the Cuban Democracy /\cl. This new regulation allows for tilt i:s:suance of specific licenses for
transactions related to acti viLic:s thai will suppcm the Clevelopment of civil soc.iecy in Cuba .
The liceMe category broadens the ~cope of licensable activities beyond that which may be
permitted under educational, research and hum,mitarian 1eguhnion.s.
The Trt&gt;.,m,ry DepartmenL has authorized by general license commodity expons that

have been licensed by the Commerce Dcpartmerit. A Departmenl of Commerce regularion ic;
planned that will c;;over con1111uuity txpons to Cuba when $11c:h exports are &lt;leemed ro
colllribute to the same p11rpose for which the new Treasury regul~tion w~ is3ucd. However.
until this new Commerce Dep3.rtment license is iuu~d, applicants foi: Trc~ury licenses under
the Support for the Cuban People license ,alt:~ory should he aware that the Commerce
DcpanmtnL can only licen.~ exports of c;ommodities allthol.'iied pursuam to present regulations

permitting educational. religious 3.nd humnnitarian cxporL'\.

The

License Regul~tion
Stcdun 511 ..574 Support for the Cuban People reads as follows:
''(a) Specific licenses may be issue&lt;l on a case-hy-ca.c,e hl'sis for
Lrausa.clions intended. tn provide support for the Cuban people including.
but not limited to. the following;
(1) Activities of rttognii;ed human rights organiz..atinm,; ;im()
&lt;2) Acrivities of individual$ and non-governmental organi.z.ntiom,
which promote independent ilctivity imcrtdcd to strengthen civil
society in Cuba.
(b) Lit:e::nses will only he i'-suec:t pursuant to tll1s section upon a cle.:idy
aniculate&lt;I showing thal the proposed ttnnsaction~ arf: consistent with the
purposes of lhis part and that no significant accumulation of fund!! or
financial benefit will accrue to the govemment of Cuba.·

�Jan - 16-96 ~Vl
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55A Am Bus v,,.1.vo•
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on Cuba

(202)

ru&amp;1ui, A::,::,r.f~

543-5177

P.U/

141006

2

The Application and Revle.w Proc~
Applications should be .submitred to the following address:

of the Office of Forei1n Assets Comrol
Department of Treasl•ry
1500 Pennsylvinia Ave. N.W. -- Al'ltlex
Washini:ton . O.C. 20220
phone: (202) 622-2480
fax.; (l02J 622-1657
Director

Appli&lt;;ations for an OF AC SupPQrt for the Cuban People kens~ will be referred by
the Department of Treasury to the Dcpan:mem of S~te for interaietwy review. prinr ro issuing

or denying the licen~e .
Lic~iue applications shoutll include information concerning:
- Description of the U.S. applicanr . including relevant exJM,tience:
- Description of the Cuba,, counterpart organization:
DescriptiM of the proposed activity . including proposed travel, commodities and
financial transactions~ and

- Description of proposed monitoring and evaluarion arr:ilngemenl!) .
Support for rhe Cuban People activi1ies may includ~ technical ~sistancc. training.
financial assisbmce and commodities . If r.ommodities
included. a Commerce T&gt;~partment

license

.m~
should al~o bt: obtained by cont.acting lhe fQllowing:
Office of Exporter Services

P.O. Dox

273

Bureau of Export Administration
Department of Comm~rce

Washin~ton. D .C. 20230
phone: (202) 482-4811

fax: (202) 482-3617

Review Consjderations
The following are some of the. main facturs that will l.Jt: cun:,idered in reviewi1lg
applications:

Groundwork
Lieen~ applications requite "a cl~.:trly articulated showing " t:mit the proposed
transaction~ arc consistent with the lerms of the regulation. foor most acfrmie-s, this win
require the applicant lo be r~sonably familiar with the targ~t group itnd the realiries of

operating in Cu'oa. Other NGOs that have oper~ted in C\1ba provide an excellent source of
informarinn . Prospective license applicants who would like advice on their proposed activities

�·.56A Am Bus Council
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54~-oi//

fVIU:.l\Jl'I J\.).)t.f;:1

,- • u=

14l007

prior to formilly svli,itini a license may contict Kevin Sullivan 1n the Department of State's
Office of Cuban Country Affairs at 202-647-9273 . You may also cuntacl the CO-(hairs of the
Supr,ort for the Cuban People: Interagency Worki11,&amp; Group -- Peter Orr . Senior Adv1sor for
the Lalin Am~ric::1t1 Bureau at the Agency tor International Development (?.02-647-915S) and
Michael Ranneberger, Director of Cuban Affairs. Department of State (202-647-9272). In
many insta!"lces the applic~nt mayl need to visit Cuba in order to develop a project proposal.
Travel licen~~!. will b~. iranted for a limited period of time for organizations and indivichials
that need lo condl1Ct an on-island assessment to develop the specifics uf a :svumI Support for
the Cuban People activity. Licenset:~ at~ em:ouraged to vi!.it tin: lJ .S. Interest Section (r&gt;hone:
537-320~551) for additional infmm~lion that may b£' helpful in conductins their re!;earch and
&lt;l~veloping their proposals .

An important: &amp;ctor iri licensin~ detcrminiition~ is the degree of ;issurance that the USti
can have thal llu! applicant has th~ wherewithal to ensure that the rroposed activity will be
c~rried out as described 1n the license application arid consi.stent with embariO t'C~ulatio11~. .
Prior experitmce with the type of activity proi:,oscd aml/ur pnor experientr. ;ind ramiliarity with
Cuba. whilt uul an absolute r~ui1·emen1. do icrvc to indicate: rhat the applicant has lhe ability
to effet:tively c:arry out the activity in Cuba as proposed. Clearly some activities would
demand gri:ater experience than others. The applicant's pJans for moniroring tht ~crivily ;tnd
ensuring accollntability will also be an in,poru,,t con!&gt;ideration in the review process.

Cuban Counterpart Orjanjzations
Wheth~r a ()roposeu activity is considered co promote the purposes of the Support for
lhe Cuban People regulation will depend in lar2e part upon the designated Cuban cou,U~fJ&gt;aftS
and/or beneficiaries. R~cognized Cuban human riehr.~ (lrganizations are specifically mentioned
in the regul:itiori as an eligible category. For thesB org.inizations and other truly independent
NGCk, ~uch as c.hurches ond church.affiliated organizations and iml~pendent professional
organiutions such as the indcpt:m!~ni economim. a fairly hroad range of assisunce will be
considtr1:d !or licen~ing. There is no ambiguity m che role th..t these org1nizacions have in
stre.ngthening civil society in Cuba., and the U.S. Ccr11ernment particularly encourages support
co them . Applicant\ $hould understand ihal many independent organi~tions in Cuba are not
officially recognized by the Cubari Government.
On the other hand, there art: a httxe number of ora,ani:n11ions in Cuba that are classified
by the govcrnmcm of CV·,A as NGOs. but which to a greater or lesser degree arc affiliated
with and/M controlled by the government. Some have been established t,y the governmMr 10
pursue the political aims of the goven1rn,ni or to anratt exro&gt;:i-nal assistan,;c. Within th1s broad
array. ciffcrem org~1li1aTinns evidence varying dewees of inde&gt;piu,dence of thought and action.
With tht aim of promoting a diverse civil society in Cuba. the USG will consider
a-policiltions for assis~ncc that may involvt!- the participation of 2overnment-affiliated NGOs
where ther1o is evidence that rhe particular organization demonstrates a degree of independence.

�Jan-16-96

Bus
10: 56A Am
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Given lhe conn~lion of these organizations with th, Cuban Government. it becomes
particularly importnnt that tho license applicant's propu~ed projecl clt:arly and credibly
contribute to furthcl"ing the independence of tht Mg.inin,tion. or of the group within th~.
orga1,i7..\tio1'1 lhal ii; involved in the ac.rivity. A hiiher degree of monitoring by the applicant
will also be necessary when undertaking an activity with a COUt)~rparL organization thar is. not
truly indepe,1di:;11L Lic~n~i;es may be call~d 11por1 10 subsequently provide ctocumMt~tion to
confirm that the te.rms of the license were adhered to.
:Ptornotini lnslependi;:uL 6,cLivitv
for a Cuban civic organization thnt is already truly independent. vi1Lually any
assistance activity that would stre.ni\ht:11 thaL organiution·s ability tn cnry &lt;.wt its manaate
would :serve che purpose.; of str.engthe.ning civil soc:i!ty.
c
1:or an organization thal is subject to
a de&amp;r~.c of govemmerlt control. th~ proposals must col"lvincingly demonstrate the potemial Lo
increase the auronomy of the orga.niucion. Potcnlial acdvities eould be ,iimt!Cl at increasing the
sdf-manag~menr of and pluralism within the organization or al reducing: its dependence on
ideas, initiative and direc.tion from the government.

Activities by nonprofit l JSNGOs to promote independent economic activity may also be
considere.d for approval under the Support for the Cuban People license reiulation. Examvl\\:~
uf potential beneficiaries include the self-emptoycd. ptivalt: farmers , and young. r~oplt!
interested in trainini to \.)~(;umc r;nrrepreneurc;. Consistent with the embargn. however.
U &gt; S &gt; commt"n:ial entities will not be eligible for such licneses.

For the puq:,oses uf licensing Sur,ron fot the Cuban P~ple. ''independent activity"
mei~~ activity that is undertaken :at an organizations's own initintivc and that i:s not directed or
controlled by the Cuban Government. lndepenrlence does not requir~ that a Cuban
organi1...1tion take any outwanJ position of ~l'itici~m lowan.J the Cuban Government. Jo the
context or the Cuban Government's restrictions un free e~pression and ass.ociatiOI\, however.
~n org;ani7~'ltion 's willingness to articulate ideas that ~)' not accor&lt;l wiLh official g(')V~a·,,rnenr
positions or communist parly docmne i~ ceruinly :.m ir,dic.ator of independence.
Minimizing Fun% to the Govcrpmel"lt

Diretr uansfers of funds ·to lhe Cuban Government or its agencies to conduct activities
iencraliy will not be licensed. Hotel expenses. the purchase of es~eutial pwject commodities
in state stores. and customs duties are examples of expenditures that would normally be
normally be permirccd. Applicatiom should co#,:.ain cost estimates for nil financial
transatrions cove.red by the license request and should include the m~ans 1,y which fund~ will
he transferred ro Cuba. Whethei the prvposed activity ·proviM~ a significant accumulat11.m of
fuuth or financial benefit" to the governmenc of Cuba will be determined based on the merits
and reasonable needs of the activicy.

�543-b.l//

5

The,e guid~li11ts wue pr.p:i.red under the d1~c1ioa of th~ S~iil A,h·isor t..'.1 lhi; P1e)mle11l ..nJ lbi,;
s.cr.ury of sr.:.tt for Cu~ by the Suppon for ck~ C11\,;in People Interagcncy Wni·ku1,: Owup. The
W01"k1ni;: Group is. ch1ired by the Oep.al'!m.:nt of State ,md A.LO. and°i11cludes rc:;vrl-"St:nllllive~ from
thl'. N~C. the Departmetll$

of 'rre.uury arid Commom= .i.nd USIA.

�·57A
Council
Jan- 16 - 9 61 ~0lo.~i;JJ Am Bus O~llOOW
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543-5177

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~010

.. ......
• U" .. lvl"I A::;!it."!'S

CUB
.

a B&amp;elCGftOUND • Tl'QWI lO Cuba ia ~ ~ e , : I wndar the Cuban
luialli Con1rOI R.,.._ (lhll "flllgu.lailMi1 proffillJedlld u1"1$1The l~ng
Wllh T'tNJ Enemy M. UfliN&gt;r ~ ~ I l l . I, spencit19 "°'lft'I n,lalil'lfl lo
Cubantlllvoila~!llblt.d~ cha ~.iotk. btiMd. TM r • ~ • inckldv

'°

wa

~ moMY (1ft enr CMftftllY) whau- in.ve11r1 g6 dlNld/y cut&gt;.a qf
a IN... eo(•Mry and pfOIIMi~ ~ - ol atty kind la c ..i,,. Of 11 0Jiian Mtonal.

Any,.....,, in ate UnltM Stau, r t i t ~ ol Cliliunwhip. It , ~ tu thGH
resbktiora. c«mlnal~brlll~ llo ~ulalllomwhichlll'9 tonforc.sby
'Tlle ~ ~ 1110 T,... u,y, Olk. vi Fllfllign Aaln conttot ("OFAC1,

,...,.ta 10yoarel111 tM(oon. S1 ,OOO,OOOin~anclS2'0.000iniodi~al

Ines. C i v i l ~ ~ wi,Q,000 pervloldo11 fl*i aho he i ~

•WHOCANQO•TM~owingtn111elenBN1euthotlt«1. vnderOFACtc.nMt,
eft9aia-in~~814onw whillil it, C..-:
O Jo..,m~ (&lt;11s,u'-'1iy . mployed In IH• ~eicily ~y •
o

i.,

-~0~11):
.::.t OfT'K.-ial 00V9mll'19ni travelers (trtlvell'lg 0/\ ul'Gci.al
Q

bwair-•),
Me~... vi international Of'i&amp;nlUliQl'lli vi which Lhe

U n ~ ~ i• also a ma,,..r (tr:1\/0i"9 &lt;&gt;fl
t&gt;l!loal bmnttAA):
a Ptrtotlt iravtlinq 1.l'Pell a y•at to vitil close ralallv•• II\
Cuba tn oi,ou1l11l¥11t.'fl of llllll'90fle hum&amp;llkatlil\ 11-.d
(Gono;oi Uoon~l ; and
0 TnlV~ wflo PIW. ~ ,poem.: liO.naH fram

OFAC

'°

Pfior oo!nt.

• HOW MUCH IIONEV M&amp;Y U SPl'.NT ~ IN CUBA- O""J a.,thari&amp;ad
lnr\l&amp;l-.•hted~. l'nllyapend"pw $100por&lt;SaylottNfrl\lino 11Xpem1u
.+,;i. in Cuba TNs lnctu&lt;lft, but it ne&gt;i ;;.·,.,;Nd HI, -.i&lt;pardluto, for &amp;odQlnia,
trllltlpOMl!on a,,d l'INIS.

•WliATOAl'IK&amp;ftOUGKl'IU.CK•lh•tlbovehted~l'llmay,..~ril~
Unhd ~ wlttl Up~ l100 et Cuban oriain foods for P9f~n~ ~ . taUtJI, A
. , . and 11,1m. (s.dlona 1116.206 Md &amp;1U$0(a).\C) o4 ttle Rfsuld911sJ. IP
11naulhotfz-.d U.S. tra,,.""a te~m !t'llm Cub. wi\h Cot.aft ~ good!:, &amp;uc.'I
9oods, with thu-ption 6'il\focmlltion-1 matef\aK, Mayb. aaiad atCuoto11'1G'
di--.,on. {Seco(I(\ 51tt~ ol lh• R&amp;gulsl!o111J. There . . no NmM wi ~
""f*I • -,oft Of lriJotUNk.1111 . . . . . Sudt ~a» 1W siaU&amp;rM)I
coKw1~fn:1m r..,i.liq.ri vndel'IM !lfflNIVO and such katTllll ai; bQQM. lll!'M . fsiJ1GC
lll'ld C01 May N l&gt;'anapaltN heoly. ~vw, .,._ ~ ~ eo.. .are not
ca~*IIVOlfflaOfttl tnalarials a.111 "'il)'ff Hind.

a Vl;SSEL8 • All ~ m ; Ith baa.rd~. Including Iha_., ~ t bO an
~........i.r, IH b 1 " ~ . 1 9 ~ l l l lravel~~.. inCuba. H
yvu a,a 11ot an ~olfrad lravtlof. ~u rrr11y NOT p u ~ ltlftl;, 11ar IDr

-. ..

-A.

. .. ····· · ··· ··

rr~Mlion. kx9ng, ~ 6r mooriOg 1"1. 111d you may rwt bring tJtr/
~an origin gDOds b.,;ilc to ~o UnilOd Sun&amp;s. .t.11y paym,t(lta II&gt; II» Manna
Hemingway tmtnt•onllYachl CkJb WOl.llclbl ooneiderl.ld a p~itadparato aCuhatt nati01161And~ir, viol.ei.. n ollt&gt;e ~~. VlhaaGtlawnerw
.re prc,l'lil)itad ~m ~Ing t,awlN,, 1n CIA,it whD ,.-,. them "'' P8$M;• if \ho

_,..,... .,nelhawa~fioal"alOlnm10FACa.alhtu1QngNmtobClaS~
Providar tD Cuba.

a ruu. V ..OSTl!:O TRA VELEAS • f rav11la111 whOfla •itptn&amp;a~ :;\tO oovorod by
~ P'"°" nol ai.bjact t0 U.$ . )Jltt&lt;Sl&lt;Gon may not bring_b-91 any CtJ:,sn ori9n
~oods. excopt lor inf..nna1io'll3' mmori&amp;Ja. (Sowon S1 S.~ ) of the ~ 1611,i IIIIC)OnQfQh of tilta rectlivw in ~11 by a 11.Jlly hoattd baveler m.y b.
~byof:ACp,o,ModlM giftia 6f jorrMIH~ .-.d~n110011TQ(11Qal
bonofit 11&gt; C..N. C\if\oms will deQl11 gift,, pendng Iha OYTeomo ol an OFAC

lloansa lfpbtffl.

e.tot. a Qr1"'9 dell:lrmlnlltiqn c.a, be ,,._., aO facts
re'llt'#9d. (Sclc:1iot1 511.544 of Iha,

NttOYndng the receipt qi~ gifl mJ5l be

~~wns).
• llMIJklf!NOCS. 111 caae 01 emt~cin ,.._,.;"IJ ~ tran!WldiOI\S
~JOO Rt .me'1J•l!C)' rllflall ~"'900C)li! Q( l'MCioaJ lraatm-t. tr.velen
Wf'il'dlo
c:antael OFAC at ( ~ 4 8 1 ). Iv dllCUII n.etiSaty autl\olizaeona.

w•

aHUIIANff AAIAN DONATIONS-Thetu isjolnt~.&amp;C 111nd Comrnero.Oe!)llrt.
l'Mfll iU8QOC1 adfftnl~n O\l'llf filOll)Ol1 CH l.. 11,..,.'\anan pedl ID Cuba 10
"1fft ba$1c lllJtorw, ,__.. H"'"' ~rtit &amp;ceflitQ b)' USOOC, OFAC autha,;.u
finll!IClal and O~f val'li.idlona nolal.ld hi lfl• •J1POrt.. Pu~t IO 1M ~
0--sq Ad.. dQnllllons Of food and vitamlrw. to an i"'*"idunl or non-pemf'fl91'1u.l o ~ " " may 11otbo reS111ctt4 11Ql¥f'ev.tr, lhltlllef&gt;Or1 gf medanetand
~SUps,N111tMatbeirpa,:J11Calyliao~byUSOOCptM)'IO~r•. Gilt
p.alUt$ may b$ ~ e d Yno.r usooc ·0tneral UQ8l\5Q Glfr'T" withe;{;', ~.;.:,,,

wfftten g1WOfflft'letlt IOPf'Ovel to ~ a l a CK a,,on-90-rnin.,i~ orgatn•1Jvm1 .
TIie cvrroned tionhmt rnusU10 valued below~.,....., co~n only items ot •
llul'ft&amp;n~ , _... for ~n~ \!ff, and may •lvlbe lor ,...,
Gift

p~w nl:111 " MIida anly Illa followllll} 1\61'11! F&lt;,od, 'ltWrirrs, li99dl,

~l'I••. mtdical supphe1 91111 dew:~. ho~I rupp&amp;a$ aod ~pmtnt.

aqull)menl f~r Ill• l'l~IW$d. dolhine. ~onal hygione ll&amp;m.a, ~nhllry
~nKat\da._sM,fMing~ptn0nland~,IIIOtt,~ei:pp&lt;NWlt,
and e.lU.ln ~ eQ!Apmanl and b•rin lor si.dl eqtiipment.

o,,m;s OF l'OfWCN A55l!T$ CONTRoL
U.S . l)epaltrnfflt Qf h TreQNl'Y
Wu~n.D.C.. ZQZ2'0

20U224520

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                <text>Fax from Susan Trabucchi of the ABC Forum on Cuba, Inc. to John Weinfurter, Congressman Moakley's chief of staff, providing a status updates from the U.S. Department of Treasury related to the 1996 trip to Cuba.</text>
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','

1:1 1n95
J, i j
I

\ : 23PM

AKIN GUMP WASHINGTON

No, 7488

P, 2/3

JOINT CORPORATE COMMITTEE ON CUBAN CLAIMS
do LOl'lll STU ll'IPUsnIES, INC,

October 10, 1995

300 FlllSI' STAMFOIW PLACE.

STAMr&lt;lPJ), CT Oo9U
(203) 969...8600

Dear Senator:
I recently wrote to urge you to oppose Title III of lcgi.slation, the • Cuban Liberty
and Democratic Solidarity Act," that purports to protect the property rights of U.S.
nationals against the confiscatory ta.kin~ by the Castro regime. At that rime, Senator
Helms was planning to attach this legislation as an amendment to the then-pending
Foreign Operations Appropriations Bill. It is my understanding that this legislation now
may be brought to the Senate floor as a free-standing bill as early as Wednesday of this
week. I am writing once again to urge you to oppose this lc:gislation insofar as it contains
Title III in its present form because it pases the most serious threat to the property rights
of U.S. certified claimants since the Castro regime's unlawful expropriations more than
three decades ago.
In the rush to pass this legislation and thereby demonstrate our firm resolve against
Fidel Castro, the far-reaching domestic consequences of this legislation have received far
too little attention. In my letter of September 20th, I wrote of the irrcpax-able harm
certified claimants would suffer if Title III of this legislation is passed. For the first time
ever and contrary to international law, this lcgi.slation would permit a specified national
origin group, Cuban-Americans, who were not U.S. citizens at the time their property
was confiso.ted, to file Tide Ill la',1/Suits against the Government of Cuba for the property
losses they suffered as Cuban nationals. Indeed, this legislation even permits Cuban exiles
abroad to file lawsuits in U.S. federal courts if they establish a corporation in the United
States for the purpose of pursuing any claim they may have against Cuba. The creation of
a new right to sue is never an inconsequential matter yet the careful scrutiny such a
provision deserves has been disturbingly lacking to date:.
We can reasonably expect plaintiffs' attorneys to exploit this newly created lawsuit
right to the fullest extent possible, creating a ride of litigation that will all but sweep away
the value of the claims currently held by U.S. certified claimants. Each time one of those
lawsuits is reduced to a final judgment against Cuba, the injury to U.S. certified claimants
increases. Ultimately, the: cumulative weight of those judgments will extinguish any
possibility the o:rtificd claimants ever h.i.d of being, compensated. A virtually bankrupt
Cuba cannot be expected to compensate the U.S. cenified claimants, who hold claims
valued today at nearly $6 billion, when it is also facing the prospect of satisfying
potentially tens of billion.s of dollars in federal court judgments held by Cuban-Americans,
have been valued as high as $94 billion.
whose

cl.urns

David W, W&amp;ll1,1Z, ChN(fTU.11

James A, PO&lt;lo'ffl, Scae'luy and lit:duft:l

�National Council of the Churches of Christ in the USA
[/-,~
URGENT ATTENTION: FOREIGN POLICY AIDE

September 19, 1995
Office of the
General Secretary

Dear Representative:
I write on behalf of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA (NCC)
to urge your opposition to the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity bill,
H.R. 927, which is scheduled to be considered on the House floor this week.
We believe strongly that contrary to its stated objectives, the bill is likely to provoke
a negative response that will harm efforts to achieve peaceful social, economic, and
political change in Cuba.
The National Council of Churches and many of its member denominations have
maintained a decades-long relationship of pastoral accompaniment with the
Protestant churches of Cuba. Through Church World Service (CWS) -- our relief,
refugee, and development program -- the NCC has assisted for more than thirty
years in the resettlement in the U.S. of Cuban asylum seekers and refugees. Over
the past four years CWS has carried out regular shipments of humanitarian
assistance that is administered through the Cuban Ecumenical Council for use in
nursing homes and childrens' hospitals.
On numerous occasions the NCC has called on the U.S. and Cuban governments to
engage in dialogue aimed at resolving the long-standing conflict between our
countries. In particular, we have urged measures that would foster greater
communication and understanding between people in the U.S. and Cuba, which we
view as key to achieving a more normal relationship.
Our deep concerns about the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act include
the following:
1.

-- ....

By incorporatin2: in U.S. policy recognition of property claims of Cubans
who became U.S. citizens subsequent to the expropriation of their property,
and by subjecting to sanctions anyone who "traffics" in such property, the
bill is likely to strengthen hard-liners within the Cuban government and fuel
renewed anti-U.S. sentiment among: the Cuban population. This provision is
likely be interpreted within Cuba as a move to return to the economic and
social situation that existed there prior to the 1959 revolution. There is little
or no support for such a move within Cuba, even among the most vehement
critics of the current regime.

�1

The bill specifies conditions for the expansion of U.S. assistance that are
likely to undermine diplomatic efforts to achieve a peaceful resolution of the
conflict between the U.S. and Cuba. By linking broader U.S. assistance to
Cuba to a highly specific set of conditions, the bill reduces significantly the
diplomatic tools available to the Administration. At ·the same time, the bill
fails to broaden humanitarian or exchange programs that foster stronger
people-to-people relationships.

3.

The bill reinforces regulations promulgated in August 1994 that restrict travel
and shipment of goods to family members. These new restrictions have led
to serious delays in efforts to secure licenses for travel to Cuba. The ability
to travel to Cuba on short notice is particularly important to the pastoral
accompaniment of the Protestant churches during this difficult period of
transition. [Oscar: other problems resulting from the new regulations?]

The NCC believes that a new approach to U.S. - Cuban relations is long overdue.
The Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidary Act represents a further deepening of
an anachronistic policy in serious need of change. I strongly urge you to oppose
H.R. 927 and to support efforts to bring about more normal relations between
the U.S. and Cuba.

/ !3-~
~
Sincerely,

1

;v

Joan Brown Campbell
General Secretary
National Council of Churches
of Christ in the U.S.A.

�A 202

296 9133

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\9,1,Q W!l:;(IN Ul1\U.lV"R0

l!U!TC 205

September 20, 1995

A."-'•_INl•l'ON. VIRGINIA 22201

Sc,1otor W. Cohen
United States Senate
Washmgton, ll c. 20515
Re: "Th&lt;' Cuha Liberty uod Demof..·t~tit Solithtrity J\C't"

l)ear SenMor:
My client t\mstftr, ~long with thuusrutds of other lJ S dti7cn hohk, s 01· claims
certified against Cuba in the J960's by the Foreign Claims Sclllc111c11t Commission, will
suffer deva.&lt;Tating cw11u1nic injury it' T11I• 111 of Scnuto, I Ielm's bill (forn1crly S :i8 l) is
passed "' u11 omendment to the Vorcign Opcrntions t\ppropriaiions \!ill It i, Co, this
n.:asou lhol 1 am writing.
I1 is absolutely false th•t Tille Ill hos been revised in w•ys thn! make ii no lonGt,.
violative of both internationul low and the tights anrl interests of U.S. citizens holdinf;
claims cer1ifierl against Cuba pu~uant to the J964 Cuh• Claims Act. As you know, ·1 irle.
JI! allows l•wsuits 10 be brought in the fe.deral cnu1t,; against (;ub, •nd private indivi&lt;lual,
dthcr livins in or doing business in thl!t couuuy with rc,;pecl 10 properties 1ake11 frun\
1heir owners for rhe most µw I thiny-fove years •so. I&gt;a mag cs ure 1ecovc1 nulc against Cuba
and others fu, llcble the current valu• ofrho,c proµc, tics. &lt;.:ontrn,y to intcrnRlional law,
it mnkes no dillcrence un&lt;ler Tille Ill whctlier • litig•nt w~s a ll S ci1i,cn nt the ti111c the
property in C\Jba was taken. lnd.:cd Title lll is specifically &lt;lc.,igncd lu ~ivo:: subsequemly
naturalizod Cuban Amcric1ms slt\luto,y lawsuit righrs against Cuba or u lyp¢ 1hat we a.._ a
nation have. never hcforc given anyone else - even 1hn~c who w..:11.! U.S. chl1.en\ in th!..·
time of their foreign propeny lo$ses.
Tille Ill oi'Senator lielm's tt111c11d111cnt will produce the following con,cqucnccs if
cn•e-ted in it.&amp; pre&lt;ent form;

* Our federal courts will be deluged in Cubu-, clotcd litigation. On t\ugu$t 28,
1995 the Naflar,a/ law Jounml (attached) reported that )00,000 • 430,000 lawsuits a,.e to
be expected from Cuban Anwrlcans if Title Ill is enacted. According 10 judicial Impact
analyi;\~ •t the Admioistn1tive Ollkc of the U S. Courl, c•ch of these suits will average

P.02

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2U2

29b

9133

Mansiiela

,

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2

$4,500 m costs, whether they go to trial or 1101. 1'hercforc ihc adm111is11utive costs lo 1hr
courts xlone of Title m wLJI reaclr m•arly $2 billion

* Jf we. onacl Title Ill tho~·c ),')] l cl.iimunts C"t:rtiflt;d under 1he 1?(:i'1 Cui:lI\11
Claims Acl will see lltcir rrospetls of rec.ovelin,K compensatk&gt;u from .an in1pov&lt;'.nshcd
Cub~ dilute&lt;l to vinually nothing ln a scu of Cuban l\m&lt;.:ric:m cfoirns (To put this m~l!&lt;"r
iulO oontext, t.hc Departmeut of State has c~limared (..\1bo11 AmenU'l.n µwpcny cli\illl:i r11
nearly $9.\ billion). 11 is critical tlrat it be understood that a cluim ccrtilicd hy 11\c Forcig.11
Claims Settlement Commission co11stitutes a prnperry intercsi I lt' Cong,cs..&lt; C11.1c1s Tillo
lJl with the foreseeable effoct of &lt;lc_,troyi11g the v»Jue of the $6 billion (accord111g 10 S1x1c.
Depanrncm figures) in claims hel&lt;l hy America11 ciri1.ens. it shn11ld cxpccl 10 indem11ily
those citi,ens someday, under the Fifih Amendment's "takings da11se", to the f\111 amou111
of thoir e.:onomic injury. If Title Ill is made law, the Americun taxpayc, will quic,,
pwhably somo&lt;l•y dt.mnnd a,, explanation us to how on c•rth he or she has b,·cn fvreod to
step iulo the shoes of tho CuUttn government an(1 comµcnsare U.S. &lt;.:ompanies tmd
innividu•ls for their property losses in Cuha over tltl, ty-fivt. yeai s a~o

* Ir we violate imc1natio11al law ttnd long-standing U.S. odherence to 1ha1 law ~Y
enacting Title 11) and conferring ret10ll&lt;'tive rights opon 11011-U S. nationals ,i lime of
foreign property lossos, hislory !dis us that we will 11u/ h• pcrn11itcd to stop wilh t'ub•n
Americuns The equul prolccliou prnvi~ions of the (.'onstilution will 1ivl IOl&lt;'.tll\e li111itint
the conferral uf ~uch nn import Ant bcuc.fir as II fedl'1 al richt of nclion on only one or ou1
mt\ny m1.tional· origin groups v.-hu:-:c members hH.ve suflCrc&lt;l p11.c:t forelgu prnpt•ny lo!'i:-:cs II'.
iliS will su1cly happen, R former South Viclnamcsc army offac&lt;.:r who is now~ U.S. citizt1.n

:&lt;oes in order to gain the s.tme right accorded Cuban Ame, icans to recover d,11nagcs fol'
property expropriations he sutlerc&lt;l. who. if Title JJl is c11aned. is prepared tu s;y he
should 1101 have such n right? On wh•t principled basis would such a right be de11icd him if
given by Congress to Cuban A.tucrkans'/ Wir.t about Chinese 1\11,crir"ns. Hungarin11
Americans, Iranian Amcric~ns.. Gieck Alllericttn~, Prilestiniiln 1\mCJic&lt;111~. Ruxxian
A.tncricans, Polish Amoricai1,? Arc we HOing to claim surprise wlrcn the courts ttJI us tllHI
the equul protection of laws r~uirell\c,&gt;1 of the Gons1 itution rna11dntes !hM each of these
national-orig.in groups u..'Ceivo the :i:11me rigltl vf Hction ~gaiusc th('.ir fo11m:r governments
that we aro proµusins to give Cuban American, by vinue of1'itlc lit'/ How many soch
suits might wo then expect from these oilier nation~l-u,igin group", •nd at what cost to
hoth the nulional treasury and our relations with tho mnuy countries that will eud up being
sued in our federal courts? It must also be kc'jlt in mind that U.S. companies lhxr have
inve.ted in various couotric, ,where our naturnli,od citizc11, have proµerty eloiin, (e g.
1

~

Sham:hai P(IW(', ('q, v. th,ilNt scat~.( 4 Cl. Ct 2:l.,, ( 19::0) q/fd. 1111i,11. 7&lt;,s 2c1 :i;Q Wed.Cir. l~M),
&lt;,·r/. d,ni,d 474 U.S. 909 (1985),

p. ;j.)

�,.. • (l

Vietnam) will be held liable for ~o-c:~llc&lt;l ·1raffit.:.king'' i11 lhus~ dni1111.:U rnop1.:1 w.:} if ·1 illc
111 is enacted and cxluKkU !,;Om1lituliu11ully to olhcr national-origin f;_roUp$. _

* The m\lhitude of lawsuits thl-11 will b¢ iile&lt;I pursu"nt 10 Ti1 le 111 witl ,w!"r 11mt", hr.
convcrteil to fim1.l judgments a~ains1 Cuba, and as such will C&lt;lnstilu1c

&amp;

running srn t.•

l"ohlcrn for the United States. Ti~e Ill lawsuits are cxphcitly made nondlsmissiblc. The
foci of hundreds of thousands of Cuban /\merie&lt;&gt;n judgment creditors againSl Cuba will
m*c il impossible for us to normalize relations wilh a fr1e11dly eove1 n111e:rt1 11\ 1ht11
oountry. Aircn,ft and ships would be seiztd, Cuhan a&lt;.&lt;cr&lt; in rhc tJ.S. h•nkinl( system
would be allM.he&lt;l, good, producc&lt;l in Cubu would uc c,cculcd upon when they u11 ivc in
U.S. µcits - .tl in pursuit of rooovery of billions of dollars in fodcrnl ooun ow.ids. Th,·
population of Cuba (the majority ofwhoni were nor even oom when rhe propente, ofrhe
Cuban American judgment creditor:-. were t'1ken) will Ix.: imlculu1c&lt;l Cu, &lt;lccu&lt;lcs lo come
to the judb'll\ents entered lll:!•inst thci, count, y uu our fcdc, al court dockets. Ilow is such a
st•tc ufaffisirs conducive to a 1cco11cilintio11 between Cubans on the island 011d the Cuhan
COIIUUuJULy of the United Stares?
The alternative to L11c pcnnnncm cstm11ge,nent Title Ill lowsui!S w;11 produc,'
between Cuba and the United S1a1c.s would ol' courie be tc,r • ll s rresidc.nt t~ dismiss.
the judgments cnlcrcd u..'(ttinsl Cubu. Nolwillislu111.li11~ \he µ1ohibiliou tiHuinsl such
executive branch action contained in Title l!l, it is probable that 1hc courts will uhimatcly
uphold lhe dismissals as • keitimate exercise of the. pre.,irlential pmogarive 10 ronrl11r.1
foreign aft'airs.' What then?
The c.re&lt;&gt;tion of a cause of ac.11on by Congre~s 1s obviously not a trivial matter.
JJundreds of 1housands of Cuban Americans will quite propt.rly avail 1hcmsclvcs or the
right of •ctinn to he given them hy l'itlc Ill 'I hcsc cases will pmcccd incxorahly 10 tin•I
judgments. (There are reolly no defenses available to Cubo under Title Ill. ll is u slliet
liibility statuLe). As tiMI tederal court judgment6 tht.y will carry the lllith and crool! of the
United SLu.tc::1 !(&lt;JVCJ11mcnt, with 1t.ll lhc rights 11.n&lt;l. n..,ncdic3 of c.xccuticm ~&lt;...1" our in n11r
laws. Wha1 will be the e-011seque11ce of the president e,,.tlnguisluns thc1c: juJ;:111c11t, tt11d
their oonoomiumt rights of execution?
Agllin, as in 1he case of' certified c.1ain1ants, • f&lt;.deral court judgment is a prope11y
intcrc,L protected by the Constitution. lfthat interest i, extinguished hy prr.sirle.n1i~I order.
the Fif\h Amendment "takin&amp;s douse:" wit Ii its duty of full compe11satio11 will he triggerr&lt;I
If Title III is enacted it should be wi1h full knowledge lhM Cong, e» muy someday he
asked by the public to explain how The Amori(M peopk came ultinwcly to be liohle fo,
tons of billions of dollars of d•miges in recompeJ1se to o. s• oup ur 11011-U.S. ruttionals at

4

�&lt;ii.In;;,! 1&lt;21u,..

nu:;.;

4

the time they lost properties in Cuen' lo u pefiod of heightened conocm for potcn11xl
J.(Ovcnum.:11\~l lio.bllity under tho 1ftkint~ ('.11\use of 1he l1ifi.h /\mendmcm, Title. ill should hl'
~pproached with the greatest CHutio11 urn! ~cco fo1 t.l1c liability lim~ bomb thM ll is.

* A troubling aspect oCTitlc Ill i:-i its co111emp1uous disregard ofinterna1ionJl tnv
/\s ~ nation we and our citizens benefir from inrtm&lt;1tiom1\ lxw i11 a 111y1 iH.d of' li11111s, Mu.:h
as oven~s inve~tment and intclkclual p1oµcrly µ1ulc!.!lio11 1 th~ snfoty (,f O\u diplomal'ti.00 roVt..1t..-ignly over our marine resources. MMy other (..."Xan,pll!s of th&lt;' bcnclils 10 11h'':
United States of on intemMioMI n1le of law could he given. How can v,c in future

rlemand compliance with i11tcrnutiu11ul luw liy other nations if we bl°t prepared to violate
~,nt very lnw by enacting Title Ill? The proponents of this lre,i&lt;IMion havr nr.vr.r
satisfactorily answered thbt fundamental question.
To conclude, ~ain proponents of Title ll1 from outside th~. s~nat•, h•ve. enga~&lt;·d
in a campaign to minirniu its signilk~ncc. lloiled down, th~.ir m~ssage i, th.i • vo,. fo,
Title UI is en inconsequenti~I thing For example, they will xay that a lillg•m cunnm "'
will not. sue \.uha it~ett: hut ralhc1 any t1.cliorn1 111c limilci.l tu "thi1&lt;l µuny 11uili!..:kc1s'' in
coufiscutw p1 ope.ties, Let there be nu mistake on tlli• point. Tit lo Ill is •n unprecedented
fO(k,ral cour1 ('.l"lm#: r,rosr-'m ag.3in1:1 1he. nation of C'uha. Section :\02 of Title 111 is plain
und unntnl&gt;i.~uous in its me.111ing. ll is the inesc;"tpable consequences of 1Mt mc..,i,i11g th&lt;1t
the Senate must ~ddress.

Yo1m; . . incl'.rcly,

;-1~1.
/ //_

.l/",1-'t I
..

.·?
,•

,,,

·,

.'"(··1,-(,
.
.. .

Robetl L. Muse

' See. P.!'.P.!lf!1' ,&lt;, Mi.}f:lf!_'!...fl.!~ ~\.lf&gt;tfl, ut 6!1:S: "TJuJU~h ,\i,; OOIK."IUl.lc lluit the rrcsidcnl lt:1s ,culed
petitioner's claims again~ rran, we dn Mt ~ur~ lh1'1 the scttlemcn1 l1ns t.er!l11u:tled j)l.1itiu11e1 's possible
lelk.ing u!uim uguiJM uguJ.nsC the Unii¢d ~·uucs." (Emphas.is added). Jus1icc Powell, C&lt;'lncurriur. in (l:"111 tu"1
diaentinA tn r,,r1, Md lh\« to~ '"The OovQrnnxmt must p3y Ju,1 LXH11pcu~~(t\l11 when ii JUrthcrs the
111:tlion's !orciJjn policy goals by u.&lt;inll il~ 'b:tr~lnini: chi~' claims Jawfullr held by u u;lul!wly few
1lC('$()nS anJ sOOjt,..t lu the juri~1cUu11 ol' our e.:&gt;urt,," Id. at 6?1.

,.. • d I

�... ,.

• . "lf-

;

~

......

JOINT CORPORA TE COMMITTEE ON CUBAN CLAIMS
do LON"E

srA.R c-;DCSTIUES, l}:C

September 20, 1995

300 FIJ!.ST ST A MFORD PUCE
STAMFOW, Cf 06912
(l03) 969,8600

Dear Scnacor:
The Joint Corporate Committee on Cuban Claims represents more than thin:v U.S.
corporations with certified claims against the Government of Cuba stemming from the
Castro regime's unlawful confiscation of U.S. property without just compensation. Our
member corporations hold more than one-half of the $1.6 billion in outstanding certified
corporate claims. On behalf of the Joint Corporate Committee, I am writing to urge you
to oppose Title III of legislation Sen. Helms will offer as an amendment to the Foreign
Operations Appropriations Bill because it poses the: most serious threat to the: property
rights of the certified claimants since the Castro regime's confiscations more than thirty
years ago.
The centerpiece of rhe Helms legislation is Title III, which creates a right of action
_
that for the first time will allow U.S. citizens -- regardless of whether they were U.S.
citizens at the time their property was confiscated in Cuba -- to file lawsuits in U.S. courts
against persons or entities that '' traffic' in that property, including the Government of
Cuba. In effect, this provision creates within the federal court system a separate Cuban
claims program available to Cuban-Americans who were nor U.S. nationals as of the date
of their injury. This unprecedented conferral of retroactive rights upon naturalized
citizens is not only contrary to international law, but raises serious implications with
respect to the Cuban Government's ability to satisfy the certified claims.
Allowing Cuban-Americans to make potentially tens if not hundreds of thousands
of claims against Cuba in our federal courts may prevent the U .S certified claimants from
ever receiving the compensation due them under international legal standards. After all,
Cuba hardly has the means to compensate simultaneously both the certified claimants and
hundreds of thousands of Cuban-Americans, who collectivdy hold claims valued as high
as $94 billion, according to a State Department e.5timatc. In· addition, this avalanche of
lawsuits undoubtedly will cloud ntle to property in Cuba for years, thereby lessening the
prospects for rcstitutionary approaches in satisfaction of some of the certified claims.
Apart from the inJury to the interests of U.S. certified claimants, we can reasonably
anticipate that this legislation, by opening our courts to such an expansive new class of
daimants, will unleash a veritable explosion of litigation that will place an enormous if not
overwhelming burden on our courts. Moreover, the legislation even would allow Cuban
exiles abroad ro avail themselves of this lawsuit right simply by forming a corporation in
the United States, transferring any claim they may have against Cuba into thar U.S.
corporate entity, and bringing suit in U.S. federal courts. In addition, other similarly
situated U.S. nationals of various ethnic origins who have suffered property losses under
similar circumstances can be expected to pursue this lawsuit right on equal protection

�. : : \I

- .. H:

...' ..

September 20, 1995
Page 2

grounds. While it is difficult co predict with any precision the number of lawsuits that
will be filed under this legislation, it is not unreasonable to conclude that they will
number in the hundreds of thousands.
Finally, we must consider the impact of this lawsuit right on the ability of a postCastro Cuban government to successfully implement market-oriented reforms. There can
be little doubt that the multitude of unresolved legal proceedings engendered by this
legislation will all but preclude such reform, which must be the foundation of a free and
prosperous Cuba. Even should the President, as an incident of normalizing relations with
a democratic Cuban government, ultimately extinguish these claims, if history is a guide,
our government could assume tremendous liability to this newly created class of claimants.
In light of the pernicious implications of this legislation for the legal rights of
certified claimants, an already overburdened court system, the claims settlement proce.ss
and the orderly disposition of claims, and the post-Castro investment environment, we
urge you to oppose the Helms amendment insofur as 1t contains Title III in its present
form.
Sincerely,

David W. Wallace, Chainnan

�',,_ '\

.. ·~·-&lt;,.

tJ
STATEMENT OF DAVID W. WALLACE, CHAIRMAN
JOINT CORPORATE COMMfITEE ON CUBAN CLAIMS

ON S. 381,
THE CUBAN LIBERTY AND DEMOCRATIC SOLIDARITY ACT OF 1995
SUBMITTED TO
THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE
AND PEACE CORPS AFFAIRS
THE COMMITIEE ON FOREIGN RELAT[ONS
UNITED STATES SENATE

JUNE U,, 199S
Mr. Chairman ;\,lld Members of the Subcommittee, I appreciate the opportunity to·
submit this statement expressing the views of rhc Joint C&lt;!rpor:itc 0.)mrnittcc on Cuban
Claims with rcspecr to .S. 381, the 'Cub.tn Liberty and D{'mocratic SoHdarity
(LIBERT AD) Act of 1995."

The: Joint Corp&lt;&gt;rate Committee on Cuban Cl.um.1 1 of which I serve :lS Chaim1ai1,
represents m&lt;&gt;rc than thirty U.S. corporations with ccrrificd daims againn th&lt;:
Government of Cuba stemming from the ~tro regime's unlawful confisc.:ation of U.S.
-.property witho1,1t just compensation. Our member ,orporQtions hold more 1hAn one-half
of the -St .6 billion in ouutanding certified corporate cla.inu. Since its formation in 1975,
thC' C.ommittcc has vigorously supported the proposition th~t bs;fs.ir.i: our governmc:11t
taka any steps to resume normal tt.1dc :ind diplomatic rcl11tions with Cuba, the:
-Go\·enuru:nt of Cuba must provide 11.dcqu:itc compensation for the U.S. propcrtic:s it
unlawfully sciud.
·
Although I w submitting this statement in my capacity ~ Chainnan of the Joint
0.&gt;rporate C&lt;.&gt;mmittcc I. would Wee tO note pucnthctk,lly that I alJo serve as Chaimun
and Ch0cf-€x«actvc-Bi1fic:er of Lone Star Industries, Inc. Lone Star is a ~rtificd daim
holder whose cement plant at Ma.rid wu ~izcd by the Cub:tn Government in 1960.
Lone Star'$ claim i., valued at $24. 9 million plus 6% lntcrc1t since the date of sci~urc.
On lx:half of ou~ ('...ommittee, I W4llt to commtnd the ~ignifo;anl contribution you
have made to the debate on U.S .•Cuba policy by foL"tning ~ne~d attention on the
Cutro regime's unlawful expropriation of U.S. property •• m i..~~ue that all too oft~n gets

lost in the debate over the wi$dom of the.embargo policy. fu:&lt;:1&gt;gnizing the importil.llt
rvle th4t tr4dc and investment by U.S. businesses will have in Cuba 1s·economic
rccon$tru~ion and its eventual rctutn to the intcrn:ation;J m0101unitv, cvid~n,e of
concrete StCpi by the Government of Cuba tow:1tds the satisfactory rewlution of th,
proixrty dwns ~sut must be ~ csscntidl condition for the resumption of cconomk· 3nd
diplomatic tica between our n3tions.

�I mini. it is irnporuu1L lo recall the essential =on /or which the U.S. government
first imposed a partial trade embargo against Cuba in 1960, followed by the suspension of
o.iplomatic relations in 1961 and the unposition of 11. tottl trade embargo in l 96:2. Th~
actions were t:ikcn in direct response to the Castro regime's expropriation of properties
held by American citii(ns and companies without payment of prompt, adequate and
cfkcth·e compensation as required under U.S. md imcm:uionu law. Th~ illeeiil
confucation of private assets wu the largctt uncompemated taking of American property
in the history of our country, affecting scores of Individual compa.n.itS am.! invcsLon In
Cuba.n ~ntl'.Triscs.
Th= citiz.:11.$ and comprnic~ wh0,$C property was confu=ed ha.ve a. leg,il right
1'¢(0gniud in long-established international law to receive adequate compensation or the
return of their property, Indeed, Cuba's Constitution of 1940 and even t.hc dCCCCC6
issued by the Cut.ro regime since it ~e to power in 1959 recognized the principle of
~ompensation for confiscated properties, PUt$Uant to Titlc V of the lntcmationaJ Claims
~cment A(.t. 1 the cl~ of U.S. citizens and corpor~tions &amp;&amp;aillSt the Cuban
govcnunent have been adjudicated and cenified by the Foreign Clainu ~ttkment
Comnumon of the United States. Yet to this day, th~ ccrtlficd clairru remain

uruawf1ed.
It is our ~ition th1.t Liftin&amp; the ~mbe.r~ prior to tt.!olution of the cl.aim$ issue
.would be unwise as ll. natter of policy and damaging to our settlement negotiations
posture. F!nt, lt would set a bad p=dent by aign,Jing • wi111ngnc.,s on the part of our
nation to tolerate Cuba's failure to abide by prectpts of international law. Other foreign
nations, oonsequcntly, may draw the conclusion that unlawful seizure&amp; of prop«ty an
~ without con~qt1ence, thereby leading to future unlawful confiscations of Ameria.o.
propcnics without compensation, Second, lifting the embargo would remove the best
leVCUSC we have in compelling th, Cuban go~.nmcm to aodteu the dalms of U.S.
nationals ind would place our negotiators at a terrible ~adVll.lltagc in s ~ just
compcmuion and r«titutk1n. We depend on our government to protect the rights of lts
ciclzeru when they are hmne&lt;I by the unlawful actions of a foreign agent. The Joint

CorpoCAtc Committee greatly appreciates the stcadfut suppon our State I&gt;cpartmcnt has
provlclccl over the yean on the &lt;:llim.l i.mle. However, we recoswz.c tha.t the powefl\11
tool of unctions will be crucial to tbc: Dcpan:rncnt's ability ultimately to cffca: a jun
r~lutlon of thus i4,1ue, ..

Apart from the need to redress the lcgiwmtc grievan~ of tJ .S. claimants, we also
ihould not overlook the wntribution th&lt;:IH: dtizeru end eompani«G made to the economy

of pre-revolutionary Cuba, helping to make it one of the top ranking Latin Amcrian
«nin~e4 in terms of living sundan:l.s and economic growth. Many ot these comptnlu
tnd individuals look forward to returning to Cuba to work with iu people to help rebuild
th¢ nation and invest i.n its future. &amp; was the cue in pr~-n;volutionary Cuba, the ability
of the Cuban govcmmcnt to attnct roreign investment on~ ~ will bt. kq to the
$UCCCS$ of any national policy of economic rcvitaliution.
2

�However, unless and until potential investors can Ix ass\11'.ed of their right to own
property free from the threat of confiscation without cornpeI:1Sation 1 m.:my U.S. companies
~imply will not be willing to u.ke the ruk of doing btUi.ness with Cuba. It is only by rurly
and reasonably addrt$sing the clwns issue that the Cuban government can demonstrate to
the satisfaction of the business conununity its recognition uf and reipcct lot property
righc,.
\Ve 11re plea.;ed that S, 381 do« not waver from the core principle, firmly
embodied in U.S. law, which requires the tdcquatc resolution of the ccnificd d.aimJ
before trade and diplomatic relations berwccn the U.S. and C\lbw goY¢l'nffl¢nU
nonnalizcd.. However, we uc ,oncern«l with provisions of Section 207 of the revised bill
that condition the resumption of U.S. &amp;Mistancc to Cuba on the adoption of step&amp; leading
to th&lt;: sati3faction of cl&lt;Um$ of both the certified claimants ami Cuban-Amcrica.n citizens
who were not U.S. nationals at the time their property wu confiscated. Notwithstanding
the modifying provisions wh11;h a,w,&lt;.l priority to the aettlcment of the ccrt;iflcd c:Wnu
and give the President authority to resume aid upon a showing that the Cuban
-&amp;&gt;vanment has taken ~uffidcnt 6tcps to satisfy the certi.fied clairn.1 1 th.15 dramatl~
cxpmsion of the. d~imtrtt pool, as a practical matter, would ncccssuily impinge upon the

=

property interests of the certified claimants.
Even though the cWmants who were not U.S. ru.tioniw at the time of the
property loss would not enjoy the espousal rights that the certified daima.nts enjoy, the
=~it.ion of a. second tier of claimants by the U.S. Government at a minimum would
nc«-iwily oolor, and likely make: more complicated, my settlement negotlatloD$ with
Cuba (O the dctcimcut of the ~ed cla.imanu.

-.

-

Moreover, the fuct: that the legislation gives prioricy for the ~tkmcnt o f ~
P1"91?erty claims is of little ,oruequenc:e within the context of such t vastly expanded p001
of cluman.u thtt seemingly dc6.ta a rroinpt, adequate and cffcctive settlement of c:lalms.
In addition, on,e th~ ~oond tier o dairn,nt, is rc~ud, It would be exctedlngly

difficult politically for the President to ~ e his wa.ivtt authority, F!.o.ally, thl.! dramatic
expwioi, of the clununt pool would serve es a aignificant dlsinccntlve fur 1. p&lt;&gt;Jt-Cuuu
Cubm Govemrt\et\t to enter into mctnlngful settlement negotlttlons with the United

States given the sheer enormity of the: outaundi.ng d&amp;iml and the pnctlQl imp»1ibillty of
nua/ylng ill th~ d&amp;ima.
- · ln abort, while we are aymptthctlc; to the po.itlon of those individuw and entWc,
who were not U.S. nationals tt the tbuc their property was seiud, wt bellevc that U.S.
Government rcwgnitlon Lncl r¢ptC$Cntation of tlw group of clairoaou - even f'al.l.ing short
of c.,pou.,,J of their cl~ with ci post-~tro govemm.ent in Ci1ba - would hann the
intcresu of the al.ready ccni.ficd clt.ltnanu. We believe thtt the rc«&gt;gnltion of a second tier
of claimffl.U will deby and compllcacc: the scttlcment of c;mified dW'.1$, and may
undc.nnine the prospects for serious settlement negotucions with ~ Cuban Govtrnmcnt.

�It is our view, based on wc:ll-cstabfuhc&lt;l pcindpl~ of international law, th•t
individua.15 and entities who were Cuban nationals at the time their property wa.s
confiscated. must seek resolution of their clairos in Cuban couru under Cuban 1.a.w under a
fun.ir( Cublltl Government whereby the re.spcctivc pmpcrty rights of former and current
Cuban nationals may be fairly determined. In taking that po,!ition, we categorically rej&lt;xt
a.ny nvtivn that ~ u~Luc.ili·.Ged Ainccica.n ha.s uiy lcncr degree of right than 11. na.tivc.bom
American. That objectionable and irrelevant notion serves only to cloud the real issue

here, and that is simply the question of what rights are pettincnt to o. non•nttion:11 ilS of
the date of injury. Simply put, international law does not confer rcuoact.ivc rights upon
nuuralizcd citizen$.

Many of the same objections noted above also apply to Section 802 of the revi$Cd.
bill, which Gilowt U.S. nationals, including hundrcw ot thousands ot naturalized CubanAmericans, to file suit in U.S. couns against p¢t'$ons or entities that traffic In ~ropri,.tcd
pro~y. We believe thl.s Untr.$trictcd provision also will ad\-CCWy affect the righu of
IXCtificd cwmants. By effectively movin15 claim&amp; settlement out of the venue of the
Foreign Claims Settlement Commission and into the federal judiciary, this provision cw
be c~cctcd to i.nvitc hundreds of thousands of commercial and tt.Sidcntla.l property
lawauiu. Apart from the enormous, if not overwhelming, burden th~ lawsuit&amp; will place
on OW' COIi«$, this prov4ion ralJes serious implications with respect to tbe Cuban
Govenunent'~ ability to ~ttisfy cx:rtificd Clam'!$,
first, allowing Cuba. to become liable by way of federal COW't J1.1&lt;3gimnu for
monctuy tUmJ.ges on a r1on-di.smlssible bui$ ncceffirily will reduce whatever moneta.ry
mcms Cuba might have to satisfy the ~ d clalnu. Second, this expected multipliclty
of l,wsuiu undo11bte&lt;ily wiU cloud title to property l.n. Cuba for yem, thereby kucning
the prospccu for l'(Stitutionuy approaches in satisfaction of some of these cWms.
Mot(()vct, under this provision, the Ptt.Sldent would have no power to dlsml$$ th* suJu
u an.incident of nomullzlng relations with a dctnoaatktlly ckcted government in Cuba
once they are ronuncnced. C.Onsequently, the foreign investment that will be crucial to
Cuba'G $ucceuful implcment:1tlon or muket-orierttC4 reforms will be ill but prcclud.ed by
these unreaolved !¢gal proceedings.

In ronct\lsion, we want to QOJMl.Cttd you tor your efforts in ralsi.ng the profile of
the .P1'9PC1t&gt;' ch•bm =ue and· focusing attention on the importtn.cc of tc!Olvlng these
-cliI.riu to the full restoration o! democrAcy and free enterprise in Cuba. We a l s o ~
and apprcdatc the efforts you have made to modify this legislation in. response to the
concerns cxpl'($$((1 by the ccrtlftcd claimant community; however, we hope tht.t you will
further consi~ our continuing concerns n:g21"(ling the implication, of this lcgi$lttion. for
the legal righu of certified cla.lmants, an tlrcady overburdened ooutt ,ystw, the~
settlement pro~s ~nd thr. or&lt;lr.rly d~position

environment.

nr dmru,

artd th&lt;'! J'O't-Cutro invertment

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I

;

·, '

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
Internal Transcript
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT ON CUBA
THE PRESIDENT: I want to speak with you today about
my Administration's plans to press forward with our efforts to
promote a peaceful transition to democracy in Cuba. A little more
than a month ago, I took steps to stop the dangerous and illegal
flow of Cubans attempting to enter the Untied States by sea. I
want to report to you on the results of these steps and why I
believe it was the right thing to do. But first, let me be clear,
our commitment to a better future for the Cuban people remains as
strong as ever.
Throughout our hemisphere, a powerful wave of
democracy is bringing new respect for human rights, free elections
and free markets. Thirty-four of the 35 countries in this region
have embraced democratic change. Only one nation resists this
trend: Cuba.
Cuba's system is at a dead end - politically,
economically and spiritually. The Castro regime denies Cubans
their most basic rights. They cannot choose their own leaders.
At the same time, economic collapse threatens the well-being of
every man, women and child in Cuba.
The pressure of our embargo and the withdrawal of
Soviet support have forced Cuba to adopt some economic measures of
reform in the last two years. We haven't seen that before. But
economic change remains slow, stubborn and painfully inadequate.
The denial of basic rights and opportunities has driven tens of
thousands of Cuban to desperation.
In the summer of 1994, thousands took to treacherous
waters in unseaworthy rafts, seeking to reach our shores; an
undetermined number actually lost their lives. In response, I
ordered Cubans rescued at sea to be taken to safe haven at our
naval base at Guantanamo and, for a time, in Panama. But this
could not be a long-term solution. Last fall, I ordered that the
young, the old and the infirm and their immediate families be
admitted to our country. Thousands entered the United States in
this way. Still, that left tens of thousands of young men at
Guantanamo who were becoming increasingly frustrated and
desperate. Senior United States military officials warned me that
unrest and violence this summer were likely threatening both those
in the&gt;camps and our own dedicated soldiers.
,

�-2-

But to admit those remaining in Guantanamo without
doing something to deter new rafters risked unleashing a new,
massive exodus of Cubans - many of whom would perish seeking to
reach the United States. To prevent that situation and to settle
the migration issue, I took action. The Cuban rafters who were
brought to Guantanamo last summer will be admitted to the United
States, except those found to be inadmissible under U.S. law.
Those Cubans rescued at sea while illegally trying to enter the
United States will be taken back to Cuba. Under our generous
program of legal immigration, 20,000 Cubans from Cuba will be
allowed to enter and reside in the United States every year from
now on. And we will continue to provide assistance to Florida to
help resettle those Cuban migrants.
I know that many of you have questions about aspects
of this policy. Yet, the simple truth is that there is no
realistic alternative. We simply cannot admit all Cubans who seek
to come here. We cannot let people risk their lives on open sea
in unseaworthy rafts. And we cannot sentence thousands of young
men to live in limbo at Guantanamo.
Our new policy is working. Since its beginning, on
May 2nd, few Cubans have been intercepted at sea. We cannot know
how many lives have been saved by the deterrent effect of this
policy. But consider this: in May of last year, some 700 Cubans
were picked up and many others were lost at sea. Our new policy
can help to avoid uncontrolled migration and it's already saving
lives.
At the same time, we are making every effort to
protect those at risk in Cuba. We will not return rafters who we
believe would suffer reprisals back in Cuba. The U.S. Interests
Section in Havana is carefully monitoring those sent home,
visiting each of them individually to ensure they are not
harassed. And, thanks to our legal migration programs, over
15,000 Cubans have been approved to enter the United States since
September 1994 as immigrants, parolees, and refugees - that is
three times more than in any previous year.
In short, the actions we took address the serious
humanitarian problem at Guantanamo, deter illegal and unsafe
migration, protect political refugees and expand opportunities for
legal admission from Cuba. They serve our national interests.
Regularizing Cuban migration also helps our efforts
to promote a peaceful transition to democracy on the island. For
too long, Castro has used the threat of uncontrolled migration to
distract us from this fundamental obejective. With the steps I
have taken, we are now able to devote ourselves fully to our real,
long-term goal.
,

&gt;

�-3-

Our pol.icy·is rooted in the Cuban Democracy Act,
which I endorsed some three years ago and which subsequently was
passed the Congress with bipartisan support. Consistent with the
Act, the United Stateis will maintain the economic embargo against
the Cuban regime. This is an important way to promote change in
Cuba, and it will remain in place until we see far-reaching
political and economic reform. - As provided in the Act, if Cuba
takes steps in the direction of meaningful changes, we are
prepared to respond with our own carefully calibrated response.
The Cuban Democracy Act also calls on us to support
the Cuban people in their struggle for democracy and economic
well-being. We believe that reach out today will nurture and
strengthen the fledgling civil society that will be the backbone
of tomorrow's democratic Cuba. We will continue to help Cuba's
democratic opposition, and the churches, human rights
organizations, and others seeking to exercise the political and
economic rights that should belong to all Cubans.
Throughout the Americas, dictatorships have given
way to democracy. They are following the path of reconciliation
and forgiveness preached by Cuba's first Cardinal, Jaime Ortega,
during his recent visit here to the United States. Cuba will
follow this course of its neighbors. With the support of the
American people and their representatives in Congress, we can move
toward our common goal of a peaceful transition to democracy in
Cuba. I hope that it will be my privilege as President to welcome
a free Cuba back into the community of democratic nations.
END

�· THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of Media Affairs
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

June 26, 1995
** MEDIA ADVISORY**
PRESIDENT CLINTON ADDRESSES CUBAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY
Washington, D.C. -- In a videotaped message to the
Cuban American community, President Clinton will discuss his
recent efforts to stem the dangerous migration of Cuban rafters
across the Florida straits and reiterate his commitment to
peaceful transition to democracy in Cuba.
The President's message will be released on Tuesday,
June 27 at 11:00 a.m. EDT.

**** SATELLITE COORDINATES****
TIME: 11:00 a.m. EDT Tuesday, 6/27

C Band

Galaxy 3
Transponder 2 vertical
Downlink frequency 3740
Audio
6.2/6.8
30-30-30

MHz

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                    <text>FROM

Robinson

TEL: 914 337 5952

JAN. 6. 1996

12:52 PM

ABC Fo·rum On Cuba, Inc.
113 Fourth Street, S.E., Washington, DC 20003
Tel. (202) 543-3210 Fax (202) 543 .. 5177
f ..mall: cubacouncl@aol.com

Saturday, January 6, 1996
Mr. John Weinfurter, Administrative Assistant
Congressman Joseph Moakley
·
235 Cannon House Office Building
Washington , DC 20515-2109

By fax to :

202/225-3984

Dear John,
Thank you very much for all of the advice &amp; expert counsel you offered
Mrke Ryan and me -- particularly this weak w- in making substantive progress in
the planning and arrangements for the Jan 16-19 Havana-based Conference on
US-Cuba Relations : A New England Perspective.
Attached is a_
three page overview on the Center For International Policy's
Congressional Staff briefing visit to Cuba from January 8-12 , which involves 10
House and Senate Staff members (D &amp; R) . The US-Cuba Foundation 1 directed
by Gary Jarmin, is hosting a comparable tour in Cuba from January 5-11 for
about 5 House GOP Staff members (as written ihformation becomes available on
this 1 we wrll fax it to you). The information garnered by these Staff members may
well impact the Congressional debate and considera~ion of HR 927.
As you continue to brief Congressmen Moakley and Campbell this week
about the January 16th Conference, please consider the possibilities for them to
forge a new, bipartisan consensus on effective US policy for Cuba -- first within
the House and then among Senators and leading Administration policy makers .
Please consider how the Jan . 16th Conference dc~legation c~n be
expanded a:nd strengthened prior to Jan. 11 . On Jan .. 19 about 11-11 :30 am
when the delegation returns to the Miami Airport on a G1Jlfstream International
Airline charter, could someone assist them with customs reentry?
Prior to Thursday, Jan. 11, if there is any activity by the HR 927 or
HR 1561 Conference Committees, or if any Congressional hearings are
scheduled on Cuba related issues, could someone please fax a copy of the info
to us in Havana? Attached is the Shaw-Pittman W1g.iwe1tch. C.ub.a which includes
most of the Cuba issues. Another controversial one is the budget item funding
Radio Marti's move from DC to Miami which was in the Commerce/Justice/State
appropriation bill that the President vetoed .

P 1

�FROM

Robinson

JAN. 6.1996

TEL: 914 337 5952

12:53 PM

2
On Friday morning, Jan. 12 at 9: 15 am, we have o meeting scheduled
with State &amp; Treasury officials in the OFAC offices to present the requested
information for the Conference license. They understand our request that they
make a decision about the Conference license before thr~ end on business on
Friday, Jan. 12.

We will also have an appointment to meet with Ambassador Rernirez on
Friday afternoon, Jan. 12, to finalize Conference discussions with him.
With my very best personal regards, I am

Since(Jely

- .._...,, .
--- er
............

J. Bernard Robinson
Counsel
cc:

Michael J. Ryan

P 2

�FROM: Robinson

TEL : 914 337 5952

JAN. 6. 1996

12:53 PM

CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAI.J

POLICY
1755 MASSACHUSETTS A VENUE~ N. W. SUITE 312
WASHINGTON D.C. 20036
PHONE: (202) 232-3317
FAX: (202) 232-3440

e-mail: cip@igc.apc.org

FAX TR.ANS:MJTTAL SHEET
TO:
FROM:

DATE:

SUBJECT:

E i ~ _- - - - - - - .

·.·· &lt;-· :. : · :# :of pages indudirig transmittal sheet: - ·~

.

· If you

·. ··· . . · ·... · :·· · ,.... · . · ,... ·· .
.

do not receive all pages indicated above, please call us back as soon as
possible at (202) 232-3317.

MESSAGE

' '

P 3

�FROM: Robinson

TEL: 914 337 5952

JAN. 6.1996

12:54 PM

JAN 05 '95 17 : 42

P.'.:l/3

Congressional Dele&amp;ation to Cuba
· January 8-12, 1996

Senate

S1a1I

Member

Pbgoc

Sarah Lyons
Pat Eveland

Breaux, John (D·LA)
Orams, Rod CR·MN)*

224-4623

Karen Mattson.Smith

Hatfield, Mark CR·OR)
Jeffords, James (R-VT)
Simpson) Alan (R-\VY)

Jon Guerra
Dick Day
Todd Menotti
Stephanie Eglington

Pryor; David (D-AK)
Biden, Joseph (D~DE)

224-3244
224~3753
224-5141
224-6098

224·2353
224-33 l 7

Bouse of ·Representati"es

S:&amp;JdI

Member

Ying Lee
Amos Hochstein
Mark Sultivan

Gejdenson, Sam (D-CT)
CRS

Dellum~ Ronald (D-CA)

Center for International Policy
Katie Donahue
Jill Bullitt
Wayne Smith
William ·Goodfellow

l

225-2661
225·2076
707-7689

P 4

�TEL: 914 337 5952

FROM: Robinson

JAN. 6.1996

12:54 PM

P 5

JRN 05 '9~ 17:42

Tentative Itinerary
January 8-12, 1996
~~ 9ovemmant of·f iciala:

10:l'SAM

LEAVE Washington
ARRIVE Miami
check-in at Gulfstream (United Airline~

1:00PM
2:00PM
5:00PM

ARRIVE Havana
Miniat~y of Foreign Relations

8:00PM

Juan Antonio Blanco
?eliK Vetla Center

9:30AM
11:00AM

Ministry of the Economy
US Interest5 Sect1cin

4:00PM

Januat'y 8

National Assambly qf the People's Power
Pre·s ident of the National Assembl.Y

7:05AM
9:42AM

Dinner

January 9

Dinner

counter)
LEAVE Miand

Ri,cardo Alara.con

January 10

AM Ministry of Foreign Inve~tment
PM Mini1&gt;t:ry of Co~ercial

Dinner itaiian Erobassy
J anuar:y' 11 · ·

AM ·Miniist!tY- · of· Educ;a:t.ion
AM Minis.t ry

of Public Heal th

2;30 PM Centro Estudios Sobre Americas

PM Ma:t"tin Luther King Center
DINNER
January 12

AM N. tiona1 Council of Churches
a
1:00 PM LEAVE Havana
2:00 PM Arrive Miami
7:20 PM LEAVE Miami
9:55 PM ARRIVE Washington National

: . . ., ·

.

'.

'

.

:, . : '.:·..' ,: :.',: \:~::.¥
.

�.
:~_
'

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-

.

HAW,: PITTMA.N,. .POTT$ r. &amp; . R,OWBRIOGE, !
'

Fl~ST SESSION OF
104TH CONGRESS
E:NOS WITH "LIBERT AD"
ACT IN CONFERENCE
COMMITTEEi OTHER
CUBA LEGISLATION

ALSO LEFT PENDING
The 104th Congress was 5':heduled
to end its f"JXSt leglslativc session
today with the most significant
piece of legislation rel.3ting to
Cuba. The Cuban Llbeny and
Democratic Solidarity
.
(LIBERTAD) Act (the "Act'•). still

in the r,roces$ of being considered

conferees a.re: Republicans He~

·by a House-Senate Conferen~· ·

..nd··Dero~ral~'Hatoi.Iron'(IN)

Committee. Although passing its
version of the Acr on October 19.
199S (se.e LegiWmth Cubei., October 20, 1995), the Senate did not
appoint its conferees until mid•

Gejdtoson (ct), TorricelH (Ni),
and Menendea: (NJ). With Congress scheduled to be out of session
for roost of the month of January.
action by the Conference Committee i$ not expected until February.

December. The delay stemmed
from Democratic opposition to a
separate foreign relations bill, S.
908 ("The Foreign Relations Revitalization Act of l 995"') and frustration over the lack of action in the

Senate Foreign Relations Com."llittee on the approval of ambassad~
rial nownadons and mti.fication of
pending treaties. On December 12,
1995, an agree~nt was reached
between Republicans and Dem~
era.ts that cleared th~ way for passage of s. 908 and permitted action
on notniMtions and treaties, and

allowed the approval of conferees
for the LIBERTAD Act. On December 14, 1995, the Senate ap_polnt~d sl!:ven conferees to consider
the Act tosether with the nine con-

f~s appointe.d by the House on
November 7. 1995. The Scnatll

Democratic filibuster and the bill's
sponsors were unable t.o invoke

(NC), Coverdell (GA), Snowe
(ME), and Thompson (TN): and
Democrars Pell (RI), Dodd (CT),
and Robb (VA). The House confer•
ee:: are: Re:publicans Gil~ (NY).
Bunon (IN); Ros-Lehtinen (Fl.)1
King (NY), 21.ld Diaz Balart·(Fl:;);
l '' .. ' '.

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN
THE HOUSE ANC SENATE
VSRSIONS OF THE ACT

BEFORE THE
CONF"ERENCE COMMIITEE
The House and Senate versions of
the Act that tht Conference Com.
m.ittee will oetd to rece&gt;ncile ditfe:r
sub$ta..otially from each other. Most
significant is the absence in the
Se:nate version of .l Tide m
(present in the House version)
granting a right of action w U.S:

courts to U.S. owners of property
expropriated by Cuba against third
country nationals ''trafficking'' In
such property,, Title Ol was
dropped from the Sena~ version
amr opposition to it led [0 3

.

cloture. Indications are that Title ID
will be reinserted into the bill when
r.b~ Cortference Coromittee ~nd$ it
back to both houses of Congress
for final passage. It is unclear
whether a bill wiih such a prou- ·
sion would win approval irl 'the, ·.·'
Si!natt.

Another import.ant provision
ptestnt (as Thle TV) in the House
vers1on of the Act. but not in rhe
Senate's, is the exclusion fTom rhe
U.S. of aliem "trafficking" in the
property expropriattd from U.S.
citizens. Originally in the Senate
version, this provision was dropped
and inserted in S. 908. Under the
agreement reached 011 December
12, 1995, however, the alien e.xduslon provision was re.moved from
S. 908 as well. The provision in
Title N of the House version au·
thorizes the Sectetary of State to
exclude .wy alien who be dt!t.e.r·

m.lne$ has confiscated U.S. owned
property or ''traffics" in confiscated
U.S. property. As it now reads, this
provision would be applicable to

all cases of confiscated U.S. prop,,
(whether in Cuba or elsewhere) aftt:r Jmullr)' I. 19$9,

i!l't)'

except for claims arising from

M

�FROM: Robinson

TEL: 914 337 5952

J AN. 6.1996

\
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unsenled dispute over territory as a
result of a war between two
U.N. member states.

Other differences ~ II1ust be
reconciled in confcrence are found
throughout the Act. Some notable
exampl~s are in the area.5 of indir~ financing of Cuba. foreign
assistance to countries providing
support fort.he nuclear power
plant at Cienfuegos, and requirements for a transition and democratically elected govcm.ment in
Cuba before U.S. assistance is
aiven. Thus, for instance, the Senatt version impo.ses four rcquirellltnts for a trar1sitional
government in Cuba before it
. qualifies for U.S. mistance,
whel'Ca$ the.House version coo.ta.iris hih~'~uirements. The Senate version requfres that a
trMsitional government in Cuba:
have legalized all political activ~
ityi release.d political prisoners;
(fasolved the .Department of State
s~cllrity; and committed to holding free and fair el~ctions within

two y~. The House version
includes additional requirements
rongini &amp;¢m extradition of individuals sousbc by the Department
of Justice to the exclusion of Fidel
or Raul Castr0 from a transitional
government. The Senate and
House versions of the Act also
differ significantly in regard to
requirements for a democratic.ally
elected government: the Senate
version outlines several non-binding fac[ors to bo taken ibto account in detertn.inin&amp; whether a

dcmoc::nnic government is in
power in C1.1ba: The House version,
on the other hand, defines seven
$pecific requirements for a dexnocratically ele~ gov~t.
including that it make demon-

~trable progress on addrcs$ing the
expropriation claims by U.S. citi-

strictions (H.R. 1254, 1700, and
1704), and those advocating a
policy of~ trad¢ with Cuba following a change of government (S.

zens.

All of these differences must be
resolved by the Coltference Committee, which will need to develop a
Stmtegy as whether or not to include, or re-write, certain portions

146).
Since some of these pending bills
ate subsumed in the LIDERTAD
Act, their fate

of the bill (such as Title Ill) to in·
sure passagt Ul the Senate': at\d to
convinoe 60 Senators to vote for
clotW'¢ on the conference bill. Sinee

AcL If the Act p~ses and is signed
by the President, it is likely that
these bills will die in ci&gt;mmittee.

On the other hand, if LIBERTAD

Title IV regarding the exclusion of
alien.~ uafficking in propeny expropriated from U.S. nationals wa.~
never put to a vote in the Sefiate, it
is unclear how the insertion of that
provision would affect the outcome
of a clorure motion.
··
OTHER CONGRESSION~L
ACTION ON CUBA IN 1995
There were a number of bills con-

cem.i.ni Cuba ~ides the
UBERTAD Act that were intl'(),
duccd in th¢ first session of the ·
104th Congress, reflecting varyins
Congressional opinions as to the
bo!st course for U.S. policy toward

may well dtpend on

the outCOll'lC of the debate on the

is defeated, there may be anempts

to push through some of tht legis- •
lariort that would implement por•
tions of the Act. At any rate, it is
exceedingly unlikely lhat any l~gis.
. Iation ait:ned at easing the embargo
will meet with success in t.he cur;•t' .

. : rent Congress.
.
' .
~

Ll!GIWATCH CUBA
S:XE:CUT!YE EDITOA
Morlo.s F. T~lW&gt;•l&gt;w. Esq.
MANAGING EDITORS
Robm E. L.. Hasry. &amp;q.
C. E l ~ E.q,bt. Sul'tl, E.tq.
Stev6n It F..tcobdr, &amp;q,

EDITO(:(JAL ASSISTANTS

Cuba. The legislation ranged from

Nkola.s hu:hk.o

bills that would end che existing

a TROW9fltrOGe:
JJ(X) N Smit, N, W.
Warhi119t(lll 1).C. 20017./ Jis
(201 J 615).$()()()

trade embargo to attempts to tighten

the embargo further and press for its
intemationalization: Rep. Rangel
(D ..NY) introduced H.R. 883 to
repeal the embargo on Cuba while

Rep. Diaz.Balart (R-FL) introdu~
a concurrent resolution (H. Con.

Ru. 24) calling on the ~$ident to
s~ a mandatory international embargo on Cuba in the U.N. Security
Council. Both of these bills have
been stalled in the House Interna-

tional Relarions Committee since
February 199S. Between these poles
of opinion range a, wide variety of
bills including some calling for tht
el.imination of certain embargo re-

$HAW, Pl'l'TM,,\N, l"'O-n'S

11S S11"rlr Union Srrur '
Mu.atldria, Virti,iia J1J/4
('!OJ) 7JfJ.66iO
15~1 farm Cndlt Drtvt
McLt;ui. Vlrtsnui 22/02-5004
201 ~,ry Srmt, s.W.
u,,btt.,g, Vl;:Ulia 22075.J72J
9()() Third A 1,.,,u,,

Swit, /$00

N,w York. Nr.v Yi.,rk
836-4100

1:m1

1
:i&gt;f!Yl'lfNO IP96 I&gt;, Slurw, /'1"""'11, Poru J.
~ """""""'· All ritliu m6VM. uc,~\'acdl C11ba
tlu.UJi~, ,x,1114&gt;.u #wk,p,rv~u ~-m~ t Cid,,, &lt;lltd
/I/Jd1WfJ a v.ui4ty v/Ufai 4ftd Ut/J/aJ1'w I I - DJ
i~rtlkl.et ta llt41• iNtff#fi/. ill klllt bwwu in a
/r11-m4NI C..ba. /{_.,,., di.I pub/lc&lt;'Mlt. U liOI
&lt;-t ,J.i,i,U ~r I&gt;, wnl .U f JM/tltit,w far kt~ U!l!it;6,
f "or i r i / a ~ or IWUldnN, /kfh NJ#IJ4i;t ""' ef
,i.; •tlllan /i,w -...

'

•1 · -,. ··' _. ·
,.'.

�:?.::~-L ~

LEGIWATCH CUBA TRACKS PENDING LEG1SLATlON·RELATING TO CUBA: STAT U S AS OF O l /03/96
j·

REJ.EYANT PROVISIONS

BILL SHORTIIILE

s. 146
S. 269

Americas Free Trade EstA.btistl free h.ulc will! Cnbti once ficoo om
liti been J"C$1occd ia C11ba itllk1 U.S ?fopcrly
Act
clltlms h,-we bcal n=&amp;\'Cd
lmnaigJ»nt Comrol

ltepcal the Cl, ~fl A&lt;ljuslmcnl AcL

and finaacial Re-

SPQN.WR~: 00:fflMiWBS
_;_
~ ~

~.

Gra1m (R~
TXJ -.
ln Scn.itc _· -_.

-

No Co--spomon

DATI OF LAST ACOQN

STATUS
Referred to Si:natc Cocami&lt;lce en
H,Janee

·- ... -.

3

···:

.. : :

. ': .

;u

. . s:

Of!041')5

·- 0

-. ::J

U)

.. 0

l-R

Passw as imcndcd by Se1t11Ce Judici-

J-D

Simpsen (R-WY)
lflScmAe .

ary Sabcoannittcc on fmmigmron,

SfO"Sibility Act of

re~,rod to foll Co1111niuee

1995

::J

06/)4/95
;:. _,

r··

Judiciary

011

1hc

S. 381

Cubarl Liber1y ood

Om,,ibus k&amp;islatioo geared et slrc~th°'ing

l lcJms (R-NC)

J1--R

Ucari1tgs hck! in Soo~ Foreitn ~-

(See

Oi:mocratic: Soliclarity Act or lWS

(he COlbatgo, prok(:titlg U.S. proJ&gt;C11Y 1igh.ts
al&gt;road, i:md pJOTiding for assisli!Q« to a
lransit)()lll!J and dcni:otr.11k u,~

f,- Senate

... l)

btioos SubcorM&gt;1incc on We5ttm

ILR.

m,
S...908

06/1-4.195

l kmisphc:rc M&gt;d Peace Corps Affwin
~.

fuu:luslOn ef alicCIS who hnn confiscalcd or
Forcigii ltclllfions
Rcvitalilatioo Ad of lfflffic ia property daimoo by U.S. nalionals

Helms (R-NC}
In Scaate

No Co-sponsors

Mad1R-fl.)
Iii Scllilk: ..

Senate
4-R

1'&gt;9l

S. 92S Cor1grc~oon11l notifi - Require the President 10 l!Kl4ify 0&gt;11trcn if
(Same ~ion of conc;u:is
U.S . government is negotillting with tbc Daas H.R.. witll Cul:&gt;111 govcm- b• go\l&lt;:111:Clcnt lo norm_fo;e relalioos
a
1909)
mcrn ofli&lt;:iJil5

-.

Smmigratio11 provision 4troP()ClJ from
bill; incorpanled in!o UR. I ~6 t;
]&gt;aSml Sarate; Confcn:cs appofo1t.d

12fl4M

Rcfcrrcl 10 Seltale Commintt
forcign R.clatio11s

Sen.ie
Wl5'95

oit

-l

1-D

Ho11s.c

Sccanas (R-FLf _
ln llo11sc .

7-R

.°"' :°. a
.

11.R.

82

A Bill to oppose
Cuba's admission to
m1erl\al ion al l'Ltlllltt:ial iu:s!it111ioru

Orrc&gt;se Cuba's admission to intcH1aliunal Dil\z.-Dalan (R-FL)
financl1I insfitntions: until Cuha !\olds free
In House

No Co-sponsors

(,J
(,J

R.efc:ue-4 io Uo11se Commiltec: cm

01/0iU"yS

U1
. I.D
. . ··• I\)
._ U1

H.ll.

l4

Rcferrec\ lo House hldiciar,- S-.b-

· ·

oorurnlm:c or1 Jmmigr~iai and
CJaims

W-lllmotc!mg or co.

No Co-spoosors

Prohihil :st1p imports ffom coonlrics
dial irn J&gt;Ol I sogi.v

-,J

Banlcmg a.wl fio.-i:al Services.

No Co-spoasois

. intu-M1ian.11 financia101ga11i2.111ions

~

nouse
09121191

Deny visil.5 li:t aliens Deny YiS83 kl aliens immfvcd n-i1h or tra:r- Piaz-Dalan (R-FL)
tnltlkking i ri &lt;:Xpro- fick i11g in Cuba's exyropej.ii 011 of r,ropcrl)'
In H Clll:S:.. . . .
priflk.d U.S. proiicrty
Uni1ed Srat~ persons
'• ·•

tribal ions to ccrlain

I.D

a;ncl fair d«I ions

or

JLR.
B3

r

Offered 1md wilhtlr11wo as an amend·
• ~ to H.R. '127

2-D

HR.
gl

m

:·:·:·. _-:·
.. , . - '

Wi1hhoki ass,cs~i:d and vohtrnary contril&gt;u- Diaz-8::al:\r! (R.-Ft)
1iou of lhc Unilcd S~ to any interoational
in Elousc .

Refoncd to Uol&amp;SC CommiLt~ on

01104/95
Lt

D

z
01/04/')5

Btl!1
km&amp; ;\i,d Financial I~ ihrtions

fj~ial i.nslihllion lhM fomimcs any as-sis••ncc or ti 1iy kind ~ Cutia

en

...

0..0
I.D

en

Co1mlrics ahat import sugar, syrups, And Dm.-llafa11 (R-fl .)
mt1lasscs from C'llbe shaU 1101 he allowed 10
Ii, llousc
e&gt;1 ~tt s11eb product!. the Uftfled S1111es.

"No Co-sponsors

,&amp;

Rclcrrcd lo llollsc Commilk.: on
Ways and Mca11S

01/04195

...
rv

U1

en

ftomClllia

-u

3

11 .R.
367

Rqx:.it of lhc Cuban
Democu~y I\~ of
\')&lt;)2

Rc:pc11l 1iac Cuban l}ea,lOCJl!C)' ACl of l 992

Serrano (0-NY)
in Home

H-l)
0-R
2-1

Refrn-ecl 10 [loime Comm ltlec 1&gt;11 ln1 -.icxiru1I Rdalions
er

0(/04/1}5

-u
co

�.

·,

RELEVANT PROVISIONS

lllL1.r SUQRTICTL6

Sf0N50R

CO-SPONSORS

STATUS

l&gt;ATR QF LAST ACTION

.,
~

0-D
12-R

foilllly rcfm'Cd 10 lhe House Com-

01/1319~

;;o

II.R.

Freedom ;nil Scfr·

l.Jc:lcrmioarion for
lhc Fonner Sovk:t
Unior11\ct

fottign ~ ro R115-Si• if RlWia
provides intdl~nte ittfCNmatron lo Cllb.l or
lechnic.M ~ rdatin~ tQ the signal in,ctlig~ racili1y al Loordcs

Solotaoo CR·:):IY)

Sl?

~rec Md lndqx:nd,::at Cuba Assi st1:1ntc

Provide ~ e lG -a 1rrm:silioo:J ood
4.'.cn1ocrntic Culmt Govcmmc11l

Menendez &lt;D~)

.4

:.·
~
:. i

H.R.
611

IJeR)'

11oosc-

{n

ln

llll
88)

lkouJi . ·

Rangd'(~ff\S

· IJ -D

O·R

.

H.R.

Cuban J.ibctty M)d

n1

Dt~atic Soil&lt;18ri1y A« of 199~

:

7-R

i1tf~c\

Rc1!C::1l !he cmbi.rto on lmde witla Cub:,

·.,,

~

11-D

~.: :..

fr-cc Trade With
CnbaAcl

Omnihos kgisL'liion aimc•1 31 st,c:nglbcning
lhe &lt;mibargo. p:olct1ipt: U .S. fl~Y rigks
atlroad, 21ml ptovimng for as..&lt;islancc 10 •

0
!Y

....

the Co1T1111il'lee on llimkrng 3IMl Fi·
ooncr:tJ Stlvk:c.s

.. : .• .,

J\,;l

mittee on h1rcme1ional Relali0tts and

:~
:~-.

Burton {R-JN}"
l 11 1wusc'. ::

9-1&gt;
3'1. Jl

:J
If)

Joir1dy referred to 1hc HMtSc Commitkes on lnt&lt;:mationul R.dac~.
W.iys and Me.'lri$, Ut1n lliug and fi001,d..'\J Sa-viecs. ;tnll Agric:na.u,e

01120/95

JoinUy referred ro d,c Commiltccs
on Jutenmtioaal Rtlntions, Ways
:md Mca,is. &lt;..ommcrcc., and GoYat1mcn1 Reform mw O'fmighl

02IC1'Jf9S

l';i::s.::d s:; im1~11ded ia 11tc Uomc; inlrndn~ mid p~d .lS :.wn~,led in
Scnak; Confrces sekdcl

l2/l4195

transitional -a111l tltmotrat[c Cuba

IJ.R..
125~

1.561

m

Rqel {D-NY)

2-D

In House

0-R

American ~rscas P~ mpoosibilily for TV imd fuulio Mimi
lmcrc.su Act of 199S ,mcler lhc Dcp:i,tmuit of Stare :and deny aitl

GJ&amp;.r.:an (R-NY)

t\ct ofl992

B.1t.

-1

tlcduce limi\alions on cqH»1ing food en&lt;t
rncdidnes lo Cuba atMI cJiminllk denial of
ftlfCtgn m crcdil rih reg,m1 to Cube

An1C11~n1 lo tlte
Cuban l&gt;tmocr.icy

No Co-sponsors

In HDils:e

10 forcig11 govcrnmc11~ providing assisl:uu:c

Joinlly rcfcs-rc,J Hl House Cofllrnilk:e
cm Jn1crna1ion11l 1lelatlons llml Commiltcc on Wi,y5 :tnd Means

03/15.19S

raSSC'I, in lfo11si.: as. 11mcmJcd; inrmdvcro ~nt.l pa$~ in Scnllfc; Confer,:.~ 3J&gt;poi lltcd

12/l4r.l.5

Aillelldmcne 10 Ille

Foreign Ass;slen~

r

0..0

......

.t::&gt;

~

--J
(Jl
U)
(Jl

1e&gt;Cftba
11.R.
l.700

0
:J

I\)

/1.llow for ~xport (t{ IDCl:lit.inc.s and mw,cal
strpplics, ~r,d ~ivmci1r lo Cuba

~c:r ( [)-l'fY)

16-D

Referred to IIOl1sc Como1inee 0.11 h11-

In Bt&gt;DSC

0-R

letnroiciri.1l Rewi~

8-1.&gt;

Referred~ B1;m~e Commiltt.c on b\\cmntrOM! Rcliilions

OY24/9.S

l\tl
. I

j·tR.

bs~bli~hmimt l}f

1703

JCl.'-'S

. ·&lt;

Cuba end l1ie Ul&gt;ilcd

~- ;~~

. ·i

1&gt;11~us i11

~~

c•

:\!~~ fo~
JCJ1t1S b1

.::s,at,l~x:nf of news tJU.
and ltte Uniicd Stales

Serrat1-0

\D-NY)

O·R

bHousc

0512419S

~
en

Stales

H.R.
t704

Reinstate th~
aathormlion of CAsb

rcmill tnceS lo Cuba

H.
Con.
Res. 24

Com::ormil
Rt.solutiori

~

......
Rcinsf11tc tbe aulbori2a1ion of C3Sll n:milunccs to faniily mcmlicis in Cvba

Sc,rraoo ll&gt;-NY)
la House

it

~lli11g oo Ifie l'n:sidc:ilt of lhi: U.S. to seek Diaz-B:.lar! fR·Fl.)
II mandatory mtunMiQMI c::mllargo 00 Cuba
l11 House
in nae Unikd N:ttions ~cwity C..Guncil
~~~· :.

u~ Comm ii tee on hi-

8-D

Referred

O·R

().S/24/9S

10,mtiortal Rela1ions

10

0..0
0..0

en
......

No C0-sponsors .

'°

Rt?fc,rro HottSe Colnnli11c1: on'"·
((tnalional Rc.~ iom.

I\)

{J2/07/95

(Jl

--J
-0
3

-0
0..0

,:::

�FROM

Robinson

TEL: 914 337 5952

JAN. 6.1996

12:57 PM

P10

\ r .~ ,

,, .

d '' '

.

...

·''

Major Provisions of ·HR 927 Draft Conference Report
(emphasis on changes from House passed version)
•
Findings

Standard stuff. No changes from House passed version.
Purposes
Nothing earth shattering, Senate passed language.

Detlnlt1ons
Reference to Ways &amp;. Means eliminated from appropriate congressional committee

definition.
Definition of "official of the Cub.an government or the ruling political partr in CubaH
narrows the property tha.t is subje~. to the r}ght of ~cti~n in .Tit/(i Ill. Exempts a( residen~ial
property unless there rs a certrfred cla,m or It ,s:: being used by a high ranking

government/party official.

Title I
Sec. 1 O1: House ·a'nd Senate language nearly identical. On~ significant change .is ·that it · ·
srntes th~. · anx . ou~rnigratiori qr any operatioo of Cienfuegos nuclear facility should be
!
cdniidefed an act"dfa·ggressiori by Castro.
i :•,, /,· ,', ; ,:-,:,:·,l ,) ''.
:.1)Wf:,:. •:'·'
1."·., ; ; ' ;

· . · • ,v .•· ' : ., ·. · ·· .:

·

' · · . '•

,·

·

.~· · ' , _:.l,; ,, ' ·' ·'. ·,~· ~; ·, : ~,

··~ •,

Sec. 104: Walks ba.ck from House position of supporting Cuban membership in !Fis during·
a transition. Allows President to support Cuban application during transition as long as it
doesn't take effect until a d~mocratically elected government is in power.

Sec. 109; Adds provision mandating thatthe President t~ke all necessary steps to ensure that
democracy assistance does not reach the Castro government. Provision could jeopardize
President Clinton's October 6 policy.

Sec. 110: Restores essentially empty rhetoric on Cuban sugar importation. Ways &amp; Means
objected to ~
imilar language in HR927 when it was being considered in the House.
Sec. 112: Sense of Congrass langu.age on restoring unrestricted family travel and remittances.
Urges President to demand certain actions by Casuo government before restoration.
Sec. 114: Hopelessly complicates the issue of redprocal news bureaus by insisting that
Radio &amp; 1V Marti be allowed to operate within Cuba without interference from the Cuban
government. In effect makes U.S. once again responsible for blocking establishment of news

bureaus.
Title

n

Sec. 20S: Merges House and Senate constructions on criteria for determining whether a
transition government is in power. Sets numerous hard criteria: all political activity legalized;
all political prisoners released; security apparatus dissolved; committed to free and fair
,

:,; ' ,._.::-.

�FROM: Robinson
-

TEL: 914 337 5952

JAt". 6. 1996

12: 58 PM

P11

!

,.;;;;:;.;,,c:..::,,~------·-·r:-,--,_,,,_,,,_-·
,

'
&lt;

elections organized for .within_ years; ceased Interfering with the Martis; Fidel and Rau!
Castro ·excluded; pubfic commitments and demonstrable progress ·made to estabfish
independent judlcia,y, resp~ct internationally accepted human rights, . and allow
establishment of labor unions; given adequate assurances that it wifl allow the speedy and
efficieot distribvtion o( assistance. Sl'!ts out further "factors to be considered", including:
effective guarantee of freedom of speech; reinstatemerit of citizenship to Cuban-born
national retum ing to Cuba; assurance of right to private property; taken appropriate steps
lo return or compensate U.S. citizens for expropriations; extradit&lt; all persons sought by
~
U.S. law enforcement; and permitted deployment of human rights monitors.

Sec. 206: Retains conditions in Sec. 205, while adding those found in the House passed
Sec. 206. Retain ing 5¢C. 20S means that while the Congress hails the right to self~
determination of the Cuban people it won't provide assistance to those people lf they we re
to choose Fidel or Raul Castro as their leader.

Title

m

Sec. 302: Contains several modifications that give an advantage to the 5,911 certWed
claimants in cariying out the right of action:
(1) Rights of action takes effect for certified claimants- 6 months from date of
enactmenti does not take effect for the non.-certiried until two years later.
(2) Gives certified claf man ts immediate recourse to treble damages in bringing their
right o( action, requires non-claimants to give those whom they wlll sue 30 days

prior notice in able to seek treble damages.
I

.

I

·(3~,-Establishes~
pdority. payment to certified claimants if courts ·,decide {(l,.C0n$.Olicl.au~,r ~,· ''. .,.·.,·.·.,. ,.··: 1,:,·
· ,. · · J·u·,J..,e.,...er1ts ··,,,1· ,,., · •1 •• • ' ' ., . ,. ·' • · · • · ..
•1 ,,. · •. • · ·- ·· · ··. • • ,.., •• •• , •• ~ ~, .·,·1(, 1'• ·1·· '· •• " ,.., ( ·,. · ·
, ..
Uo
,q

,:

·,i

,

111

•

.'

.

• .

,, ··&lt; ' "

' '

, .

'

'r

.

I

'

~.

I

.. . . ' ,. ,

: · :1 • -,:· .

•

•, ,

' 1

' /f J (.,... ,{.

Establishes $50,000 threshold of amount in controversy for bringing a case. Does not specify
whether the $50,000 figure is the value at time o( expropriation Qr today. ·

or

Allows suspension
right of action once a transition is in power - subjed to President's
discretion. Terminate right o( action, but not pending lltigatfon when a democratic
gov~rnment comes to power.
Mandates the establishment of a filing fee for the exercise of the right of action.

Title IV
still in controversy

I'·

.

l... ;: ·1 ;· " •

.

,r

�</text>
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                  <text>The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Use the &lt;a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;finding aid&lt;/a&gt; for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Digital files can be found at this site: &lt;a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/"&gt;https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
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                <text>DI-1286</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="162690">
                <text>Letter and background information about arrangements for a trip to Cuba from J. Bernard Robinson of the ABC Forum on Cuba, Inc. to John Weinfurter, Congressman Moakley's chief of staff.</text>
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                <text>Includes information about travel restrictions and other aspects of US foreign policy regarding Cuba.This is part of a series of documents related to the planning of a Congressional trip to Cuba in 1996. The group held a conference called US-Cuba: A New England Perspective.</text>
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                    <text>~:-i A IRl'vl Ai\l

'AEM BE R OF CO NGRESS
220 DISTRICT, EW YORK
~OOM 2206 RAYBU RN BUILDING
N ASHI NGTON , DC 2051 5-3222
202) 22S-5614

MEMBER
HOUSE TAS K FO RCE ON AMERICAN

~ongress of the~nitrd ~mtrs

\1 EM BEA
HOUSE TASK FORCE ON
':HILD CARE , DRUGS,
EDUCATION A ND THE ELDERLY

Jtousc of 'Rcprcscnmrtocs
~ashingron, iB&lt;i 20515- ;222

PRISO NERS OF WAR AN D

MISSING IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

January 24, 1996

The Honorable Joseph Moakley
235 Cannon HOB
Washington, DC 20515
Dear Joe:

I was startled by the news reports regarding your trip to Cuba.
I hope it is not true that you brought businessmen along with you. It was my understanding that
your trip was to focus on the human rights situation in Cuba, and I don' t see the point in taking
businesspeople along to discuss human rights.

The law states that travel to Cuba is only authoriz.ed for certain groups of people, such as
journalists and people engaged in humanitarian activities. Business people are not among them.
Further, as you know~ we just recently passed HR 927, which will clamp down on business
activity in Cuba even harder.
Joe, I know that you would not willingly flout the law or even a forthcoming law. But I hope
that you have not been sucked in by business interests or left-wing efforts to let up the pressure
on Castro.
I would appreciate a chance to discuss this matter with in the near future.

- --

- - -- -- - - -- - - -- -- - --

GASLIGHT SOUARE
SARATOGA SPRINGS. NY 12866

518-587-9800

REN SSELAER COUNTY

5 18--477-2703

DISTRICT OFF ICES -

P.O. Box 71
NY 12572

RHIN EBECK,

914---876--2200

-

- -- - - -- --

337 FAIRYIEW AVENUE
HUDSON, NY 1253 4
511Hl2B--0 181

- - - -- - -- - --

2 1 BAY STRE ET
GLENS FA LLS, NY 1280 1

5 18--792-3031

�</text>
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                    <text>PLEASE RESPOND TO:

JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEV

W.A.SH1NGlON OfflC(

9TH D1STRICT, MASSACHUSETTS

235 CANNOf~ BUILDING

WASHINGTON, DC 20515

COMMITIEE ON RULES

1202) 225--8273

RANKING DEMOCRATIC MEMBER

FAX: 12021 22!&gt;-3984

JOHN WEINFURTER

eosrm~ OFFICE

CHIE.f OF ST AfF

WORLD TRADE CENTER

WASHINGTON

FREDERICK W. CLARK

SUITE 220

Qtongress of tbe mlnitcb ~tates

DISTRICT DIRECTOR

BOSTON

April 12, 1995

80ST0&gt;1, MA 02210

{617) 56!&gt;-2920
1617) 439-5460
FAX: 1617) 439-5157

Jf)ouse of 3Represcntati\Jcs
Mtazbington, tJBQI: 20515-2109

Bill Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

0

4 COURT SlREET
TAUNW&gt;I, MA 02780

{508) 824-6676

0

BROCKTON FEDERAL BUILDING

166 MAIN STREET
BROCKTON, MA 02401

1508) 586-5555

Dear Mr. President:
I am writing to express my very deep concern over our
government's policy towards Cuba and current efforts in the
Congress to make that policy more restrictive. It is my view
that our policy is outdated and is only serving to prolong the
reign of Fidel Castro.
While I do not question the lofty motives of those in the
Administration and those in the Congress who seek to tighten
economic and diplomatic sanctions against Cuba, I do question the
wisdom and effectiveness of such moves.
we have tried for over three decades to force Mr. Castro from
power by maintaining a tight economic embargo on his country.
But, that embargo has failed to hasten Castro's departure and has
failed to fuel the type of internal pressures to advance the
democratic reforms that so many of us want to see.
Instead, the embargo has encouraged and strengthened the
sentiments of nationalism in Cuba, provoked an increase in
immigration to the United States -- and it has provided Mr.
Castro with the perfect excuse to justify the failures of his
system.
I strongly support members of the Cuban exile community here
in the United States who have courageously and steadfastly
reminded the world of Mr. Castro's atrocious record on human
rights. And I have joined with them on many occasions
petitioning the Cuban government on behalf of political prisoners
and to urge a greater respect for human rights.
The u.s. state Department's current human rights report and
the 1995 Human Rights Watch Report document quite clearly the
severity of the human rights situation in Cuba. From systematic
harassment of political dissidents to arbitrary arrests -- the
Cuban people continue to suffer.

�Letter to President Clinton
page 2
But other than congressional letters and moral appeals, we
have little power to monitor, investigate or influence the human
rights situation because we have almost no formal communications
with the Cuban government.
Proponents of a more hard line policy towards Cuba have
argued that more sanctions and more saber-rattling will produce
the necessary chaos to force Castro's retirement and thereby fix
all that's wrong about Cuba.
But, the way I see it, more chaos
is not what Cuba or its people need.
Chaos, turmoil or civil war will not necessarily mean
democracy, better respect for human rights or freedom for Cuba.
More chaos could mean bloodshed; it could mean strengthening
Castro; it could mean replacing him with a dictator on the right;
or it could mean more refugees fleeing the island for the United
states.
The late President Nixon, in his last book, wrote, "The plain
fact is that ... the hard line against (Mr. Castro) has failed to
get rid of him." The best hope for doing that, he added, is "to
build pressure from within by actively stimulating Cuba's
contacts with the free world."
I believe our former President was exactly right.
The best way for us to push for democratic reforms and impact
the human rights situation in Cuba is through negotiations and
economic relations.
It is not by continuing a policy that has
not worked for over 30 years.
It is my view that democratic transitional government and
democratic elections will more likely occur if the United States
exposes Cubans to the id$as of democracy and free trade.
Past history has demonstrated that the most efficient road to
democracy is exposure not isolation. A perfect example of this
is the former Soviet Union -- in which individual contact through
academic exchange programs, relaxed travel restrictions and free
trade promoted a legitimate democratic movement.
In addition, ultimately easing trade restrictions with Cuba
will provide numerous opportunities for businesses -- from
Massachusetts to California -- to expand trade, increase their
profits and create jobs.
Currently, some of our closest allies,
including Israel, Spain, Canada and Japan have active business
and trade operations with Cuba -- while U.S. businesses, only 90
miles away, are limited to exploratory missions.

�Letter to President Clinton
page 3
If current efforts to tighten the trade restrictions are
enacted in this Congress, the U.S. business community will
continue to be at a disadvantage in a country that is at our
doorstep. studies have shown that close to $2 billion could be
gained in U.S. exports to Cuba. In addition, Cuba has an
untapped market of 11 million people, as well as a highly
educated work force that could easily adapt to U.S. product and
service industries.
I would respectfully suggest that the Administration begin
the process of exploring an alternative to our current Cuban
policy and commence formal negotiations with the Cuban government
aimed at normalizing relations. I believe, at this late date,
such a course makes the most sense for the Cuban people and for
the United states.
Thank you for your consideration of this matter.
Sincerely,

�</text>
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                    <text>JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY

PLEASE RESPOND TO:

0

235 CANNON BUILDING
WASHINGTON, DC 20515
1202) 225-8273
FAX: 1202) 225-3984

D

9TH DISTRICT, MASSACHUSETIS

WORLD TRADE CENTER
SUITE 220
BOSTON, MA 02210
1617) 565-2920
I 6171 439-5460
FAX: 1617) 439-5157

D

4 COURT STREET
TAUNTON, MA 02780
1508) 824-6676
FAX: (508) 880-3520

D

BROCKTON FEDERAL BUILDING
166 MAIN STREET
BROCKTON, MA 02401
(508) 586--5555

COMMITIEE ON RULES
RANKING DEMOCRATIC MEMBER

KEVIN RYAN
CHIEF OF STAFF

WASHINGTON

FREDERICK W. CLARK

(!Congress of tbe Wntteb ~tates

DISTRICT DtAECTOR
BOSTON

E-mail: jmoakley@hr.house.gov
URL: http://www.house.gov/moakley/welcome.html

11,ousc of l\cprcscntatibcs
mmlasbtngton, illctt 20515-2109
June 17, 1997

The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, D.C. 20500

FAX: 1508) 580--4692

Dear President Clinton:
I know that the renewal of Most Favored Nation Status for China is a vitally important initiative
for your administration. I commend your efforts to pursue an open, strategic dialogue with China
that best serves the interests of this nation. Integration, and not isolation, will give the United
States the influence necessary to work for respect of human rights, non-proliferation, the rule of
law and religious freedom in China. Revoking this trade status, and effectively cutting off
dialogue between our nations, will severely undermine our ability to work for positive change.
For these and other reasons, I will support you in the extension of MFN for China.
With the strategy of engagement as a tool to achieve the goals of our national interests in mind,
I want to respectfully point out the inconsistencies of U.S. policy towards Cuba. As you recall,
this is an issue that I discussed with you last year at the White House during the China MFN
debate. For 35 years, the United States has pursued a policy of isolationism with Cuba -- and it
hasn't worked. Even after losing the patronage of the former Soviet Union, the Castro-regime
has remained. The U.S. embargo on Cuba has not forced Castro out of power, it has not
improved Cuba's respect for human rights and it certainly has not improved the lives of Cuban
citizens. As you know, a recent study by the American Association for World Health reports that
the U.S. embargo has had a drastic effect on the health of women and children in Cuba.
In fact, Fidel Castro has frequently used the U.S. embargo to justify and explain the failures of
his system. Every time there is a food shortage, economic decline or crackdown on political
dissidents, Castro delivers one of his famous speeches blaming the U.S. embargo for the problems.
It is time for a change.
Like in China, change in Cuba will come only through open dialogue and engagement. By
exposing the island to an infusion of free enterprise, democratic ideals, and people who believe
in political freedom, I strongly believe that change will occur in Cuba. And it will occur much
quicker in Cuba than in China. Cuba, only 90 miles off our shore, is a much smaller nation, and
can embrace democracy and its ideals faster than the massive nation of China. As in the former
Soviet Union and across Eastern Europe, the spirit of capitalism will flourish. With open political
channels, the United States will have the opportunity to talk to Cuban officials about important
issues like human rights and political openness. Such engagement will in fact allow us to increase
the pressure for change in human rights and democracy. Currently, we have no avenue to pursue
this goal. Additionally, our business leaders will talk about the importance of free speech and
market reforms as precursors to the American investment that Cuba so desperately needs. The
Cuban government will be forced to accept the change that is inevitable.

THIS STATIONERY PRINTED ON RECYCLED PAPER

�As you stated in your recent letter to me regarding China MFN,
"If we fail to engage China, we will fuel the very forces that trample human rights and
flaunt international rules and regimes. Over time, if we engage China -- encouraging the
evolution of the rule of law and civil society -- if contacts across borders, among people
and between governments grow; if markets expand and information flows; if we make our
differences clear; then there is a far greater likelihood that the roots of a more open society
will gain strength in China and America's interests will be served."
I would argue that the same logical strategy is true for U.S.-Cuba relations.
Therefore, Mr. President, as we debate the important issue of China's MFN renewal, I hope that
you will seriously revisit the U.S. policy toward Cuba. Certainly, if we are pursuing open
dialogues with China, North Korea and Vietnam, openness with Cuba makes sense. At a
minimum, engagement will force Castro to be more tolerant and will create a climate of reform.
And, quite possibly, open engagement might also pave the way for an end to the reign of the
Castro dictatorship that has lasted for 38 years. I appreciate your consideration of this important
issue, and look forward to discussing the matter with you in the future.

JJM:sl

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                    <text>ABC FORUM ON CUBA, INC.
113 Fourth Street S.E., Washington, DC 20003
Tel. (202) 543-3210 Fax (202) 543-5177
January 2, 1996

Mr. Steven I. Pinter, Chief of Licensing
Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC)
United States Department of the Treasury
1500 Pennsylvania Avenue N. W.
Washington, DC 20220

By fax to: 202/622-1657
Dear Mr. Pinter,
Thank you very much for your thoughtful communication of December 29,
1995. This letter provides the infonnation requested to enable your office to issue
the ABC Forum On Cuba, Inc. a license for an advance trip to make final
arrangements for the January 16-19 conference called "The United States and Cuba:
A New England Perspective."
The objectives of the January 16-19 seminar are to:

1.

educate and update participants about the latest developments in U.S.-Cuba
relations, consider ways to encourage improvement in these relations and to
promote the cause of peaceful, democratic change in Cuba;

2.

identify specific ways participants can play a more active role in
strengthening and fostering civil society in Cuba and increase significantly
the flow of information to, from and within Cuba;

3.

have substantive meetings with individuals and non-governmental
organizations to identify the technical assistance, training, financial assistance
and commodities that can be committed by US organizations to promote
independent activity intended to strengthen civil society in Cuba;

4.

engage in visits to locations where free market principles are at work to
assess the extent of free market reforms and how best to encourage their
consistent development; and

�2

5.

identify opportunities for the promotion of independent economic activities
involving the self-employed, private farmers, young people interested in
training to become entrepreneurs and others~

The latest, tentative list of conference participants includes:
Peter C. Aldrich, Co-Chairman of Aldrich, Eastman &amp; Waltch
John Pattillo, CEO of Aldrich, Eastman &amp; Waltch
James Arena-DeRosa, Director of Public Advocacy, Oxfam America
Michael Delaney, Regional Manager LA &amp; Caribbean, Oxfam America
H.D.S. Greenway, Editorial Page Editor of The Boston Globe
Richard Hartman, President North American Division of ITT Sheraton
Kathryn A. Burns, Director Corporate Development of ITI Sheraton
Larry Kessler, Executive Director, Aids Action Committee of MA
Anthony E. Malkin, W&amp;M Properties, Inc.
Jonathan Malkin, President, Malkin &amp; Co.
Sydney L. Miller, President, Hany Miller Company, Inc.
Hon. Joseph Moakley (MA)
Jim McGovern, Senior Aide to Congressman Moakley
John Weinfurter, Administrative Assistant to Congressman Moakley
Gilbert S. Peirce, Vice President &amp; Director International Banking, Bank of Boston
Brian G. Rothwell, President, Bay State Milling Company
Michael J. Ryan, President, ABC Forum On Cuba, Inc.
J. Bernard Robinson, Counsel and Board Member, ABC Forum On Cuba, Inc.
Isaac Shafran, Director, Louis Berger International, Inc.
Regina M. Villa, President, Villa and Associates
For the advance trip, Jim McGovern, Bernie Robinson and I will arrive in
Havana from Miami (C&amp;T charter flight# 8607) midday Sunday January 7, 1996
and will return to the United States on or before Thursday January 11.
During this advance trip we will meet with officials of the U.S. Interest
Section in Havana, officials from the Catholic Church, The Cuban Commission on
Human Rights and National Reconciliation, Concilio Cubano, CARITAS, Oxfam,
and with Cuban government officials. Our activities during this advance trip will be
focused on finalizing arrangements for the January 16-19 Conference in accord with
the Conference objectives set forth above and conducting an on-island assessment
to develop specific proposals which support for the Cuban people.

�3

During our advance trip, we will organize Conference panel discussions
highlighting Oxfam America's partnership with Associacion Nacional de
Agricutores Pequenos. We will also arrange meetings among management experts
who participate in this Conference and fledgling Cuban business owners and
between the Boston Globe's H.D.S. Greenway and independentjoumalists. These
and related Conference discussions will promote the purposes of the Support for the
Cuban People regulations. The resulting media exposure for the showcased
activities will enlist additional active supporters.
It is our short and long tenn goal to continue complying with US Government
laws and regulations in order to increase support for the Cuban people, to promote
civil society in Cuba and to encourage additional proponents of peaceful democratic
change in Cuba. We believe that progress towards these goals can be achieved
through dedicated educational efforts by organizations like the ABC Forum On
Cuba, Inc. New advocates and activists can be effectively enlisted through seminars
such as the one we propose from January 16-19.
The tentative list of participants set forth above are precisely the quality and
caliber of leaders and experts needed to stimulate private U.S. organizations to play
a more active role in strengthening and fostering civil society in Cuba. The
proposed Conference will educate the participants and observers, which will make it
much easier for them to become active thereafter.
If you require more infonnation to issue the license for our advance trip,
please contact me at your earliest convenience at (202) 543-3210.
We very much appreciate the advice and counsel you and your colleagues
have provided us. Please let me know what additional information would be helpful
to your collective deliberations concerning our request for a license for the January
16-19, 1996 Conference.
Sincerely,

�</text>
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                    <text>ABC FORUM ON CUBA, INC.
113 Fourth street, S.E., Washington, DC 20003
Tel.
(202} 543-3210
Fax (202) 543-5177

Friday, January 12, 1996
Mr. R. Richard Newcomb, Director
Office of Foreign Assets Control
United States Department of the Treasury
1500 Pennsylvania Ave. N.W. -- Annex
Washington, DC 20220
By fax to: 202/622-1759
Dear Mr. Newcomb,

Thank you, Mr. Pinter and your colleagues for meeting with Mike
Ryan and me this morning so that we could respond to Mr. Pinter's
letter of January 4 re License C-18167 and report in detail about
our advance trip this week to Cuba for the purpose of finalizing
arrangements for the conference on the "United States and Cuba: A
New England Perspective" which is to be held in Havana, Cuba
between Tuesday, January 16 and Friday, January 19, 1996.
Should our request for the conference license be granted and if
it is permissible within the license, I plan to leave my home
(ph: 914/337-5096, fax: 914/337-5952) about 5 pm on Saturday,
January 13 -- fly to Miami Saturday night -- and then to Havana
on Sunday, January 14, to work with Ambassador Sullivan's staff
at the U.S. Interest Section; Roberto Dominguez Homerlein,
DPTO.EEUU in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (who is coordinating
Cuban Government participation); and Eric Splinter at the Hotel
Nacional to finalize &amp; reconfirm logistical arrangements for the
conference.
On Sunday evening, January 7, when Jim McGovern, Senior Aide to
Congressman Moakley, Mike Ryan and I arrived in Havana,
Ambassador Sullivan and his staff met with us at the residence to
brief us and to discuss how best to make the most productive use
of our time in Havana this past week.
Ambassador Sullivan's staff kindly assisted us in arranging to
meet with the following individuals:
Dr. Rolando Suarez, Caritas Cuba
Martha Beatriz Roque, Institute for Independent Economists
Julio Suarez, Independent Press Bureau of Cuba
Gustavo Arcos, Cuban Committee for Human Rights
Rene Gomez Manzano, Agramonte Current (lawyers' association)
Vladimiro Roca, Socialist Democratic Current
Dr. Jose Miller, Jewish Community Center
Grand Master Heriberto Saborit, Masonic Lodge
Alejandro Nieto, Evangelical League of Cuba
Leoncio Veguilla, Western Baptist Conference
Eilzardo Sanchez, Cuban Commission for Human Rights and
National Reconciliation

�Felix Antonio Bonne, Grupo de Reflexion Corriente Civica
Cubana
We also met with Father Orlando, personal secretary to Cardinal
Ortega, and were briefly introduced to the Cardinal.
The meetings we had with Cuban Government officials this past
week -- in addition to the multiple meetings with Roberto
Dominguez and members of his staff -- were:
Ricardo Alarcon de Quesada, President of National Assembly
Carlos Martinez Salsamendi, Chamber of Commerce of Cuba
Our final session in Havana was with Ambassador Sullivan and his
staff, beginning at 11:00 am on Thursday, January 11, for an
extensive review of the past week's activities and an in-depth
discussion of all arrangements and plans for the conference
beginning on January 16.
We advised
Washington
during the
Government

the Cuban Government officials in Havana and in
that we intended to meet with a wide range of Cubans
advance trip and during the conference. The Cuban
has not placed any restrictions on our activities.

Attached is a list of all conference particpants, their
organizational affiliations and their experience in activities
that demonstrate the capability to provide support for the Cuban
people.
The conference agenda is:
Tuesday, January 16
12:30 pm
1:30 pm
4:00 pm

5:00 pm
6:00 pm
7:30 pm

Check-in at Miami Airport
Depart for Havana on Gulfstream flt #263
Check-in at Hotel Nacional in Havana
Briefing for Conference Participants by U.S.
Ambassador Sullivan and staff at the Ambassador's
residence
Reception at the Ambassador's residence for all
leaders on the Cuban nongovernmental organizations
Dinner with the Ambassador at the residence

Wednesday, January 17
8:00 am
9:00 am
10:30 am
12:30 pm
2:00 pm

Breakfast at Hotel National
Session with Roberto Robaina Gonzalez
Ministry of Foreign Relations
Visit La Casa Del HABANO and tour cigar factory
with Abel Exposito Diaz, Gerente (33-8060)
Lunch session with Jose Luis Rogriguez Garcia
Ministry of Economy and Planning
Session with Francisco Soberon Valdes
President, National Bank of Cuba

�3:00 pm
5:00 pm

8:00 pm

Session with Ricardo Cabrisas Ruiz
Ministry of Foreign Trade
Session with Group of 7 of Concilio Cubano
Martha Beatriz Rogue, Gustavo Arcos, Rene Gomez
Manzano, Vladimiro Roca, Elizardo Sanchez, Felix
Antonio Bonne
Dinner with Spanish Ambassador at the residence

Thursday, January 18
8:00 am
9:30 am
11:00 am
12:00 pm
2:00 pm
4:30 pm

6:00 pm
8:00 pm

Breakfast at Hotel National
Audience with Cardinal Ortega at his residence
Session with Ricardo Alarcon
President of National Assembly
Lunch with Ministry for Foreign Investment and
Economic Cooperation
On-site visit to highlight micro entrepreneur
project with Dr. Rolando Suarez Cohiban, Director
Caritas Cubana
Visit with James Arena DeRosa and Oxfam America to
agricultural project
Reception at Hotel Nacional for Cuban officials
Dinner at Le Tocorroro

Friday, January 19
7:00
9:00
10:00
11:00

am
am
am
am

Breakfast at Hotel Nacional
Press Availability in VIP lounge of Havana Airport
Depart for Miami on Gulfstream charter flight
Arrive Miami International Airport

We are continuing the effort to ensure full compliance with the
Treasury Department license rules and regulations. Our efforts
include the fact that the conference registration form, which is
signed by the participants, states clearly that this is a USG
licensed project under the 515.574 Support for the Cuban People
regulations. Each participant receives a copy of the license with
a cautionary communication from us along with a copy of OFAC's
"What You Need To Know About The U.S. Embargo" dated 10-23-95.
During the flight from Miami to Havana on Jan. 16, Congressman
Moakley and his staff along with Mike Ryan will review with all
delegates the license rules. We have also asked Ambassador
Sullivan's staff to review these issues during their briefing.
As we plan to conduct additional such conferences in the future,
we will continue our efforts to conduct this entire conference
well within the spirit and the letter of the licen~e and
guidelines as you have kindly explained them to us.
During our meetings with Cuban NGO leaders and with Ambassador
Sullivan this past week we made a studied effort to learn about
and discuss practical ways and means of providing assistance to
them through activities in the US that can be licensed.
For
example, we have offered to help organize a U.S.-based 11 501
(c) (3) 11 concillio Cubana entity that can enlist resources and

�channel them to Cuba after obtaining the required Treasury
Department licenses. Another good example is the possibility of
assisting the Caritas organization by providing professional
trainers who are capable of helping Caritas teach new small
business owners how best to develop their organizations
successfully and profitably.
Our ongoing discussions with the conference registrants
underscore the reality that as these U.S. public and private
sector leaders learn first hand during the conference of the
needs and "wish lists" of a multitude of Cuban-based NGOs; their
willingness to provide Support for Cuban People will produce the
resources your guidelines anticipate and that these individuals
and organizations need to fulfill their mission.
We genuinely appreciate all the efforts you and your colleagues
have made to direct and guide us during this process.
If additional information would be helpful to your consideration,
please call.
As agreed, should the conference license be issued we will report
in person immediately after our return and also submit a written
report on the Conference and our plans for follow up.

cc:

Mr . . Michael J. Ryan; President of ABC Forum On Cuba, Inc.

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