1 25 239 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/1d0ca93532c9f8f9a884b6fa261bdd3b.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=v12rono3mCEU4myzTBNDC-Evr72DDGqbT2LKBn66RFXQYULWM4nYIF2UAPNNw4o1n62Sl%7E%7EbFmYusqeK4qQlAQQVqXx4wRMyb7XynuauGYxcDSb3Vx4a9rHq4JQFKX34ST538KVERdm-s5MJUOUB1XJAG%7E%7EJ2T7bw12M08GLh1FJw3KsWjtyCj5BdrGvTmQCBU-TJcAxoIQNTlfM2P1UsB0RevEL%7E4ucSdR1YMg-9G79-UR1yjxq-D4hlITmesfa1mHaCRYUitcFok6CDd6QnRWRQQbV6Ccr6KmQGkVcDnzJJqZcAWdGHDnv9WZfvdgOx0K%7E55I39fIA1VzSULFTzg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 53eb908b3b40e66743d8f67031c99cbb PDF Text Text Congressman Joe Moakley Statement on U.S. - Cuba Policy New England - Canada Business Council May 1, 2000 Thank you for inviting me to be with you today. It is a pleasure to spend some time with you to discuss the current state of U.S. - Cuba policy. Today, I strongly believe we stand at a critically important juncture in this debate. The difficult and tragic case of little Elian Gonzalez has focused the people of the United States -- and the entire world for that matter -- on U.S. I Cuba relations. Many normal Americans who knew very little about the United States' policy on Cuba could probably quote you chapter and page numbers from the Helms-Burton law now. As you know, that's how intense the media scrutiny has been over the last couple of months. Now that they are aware, I believe many Americans are agreeing with me and several colleagues of mine in the Congress that our policy on Cuba is a failed one. For nearly 40 years we've tried to strangle communism with our embargo -- but that system has withstood all of our efforts. It's time for a change. By flooding Cuba with democracy, American ideals, books, newspapers, Reebok sneakers, the Internet, and Gillette razors, change would come faster than the Cubans could say Tropicana Club. As you may have heard, I just returned from a 5 day visit to Havana. My former aide, and current Congressman, Jim McGovern and I took a delegation of 50 college presidents and deans to the island to meet with Cuban educators in the hope of starting a dialogue. 1 �I've said for many years that an open dialogue is the only way we can effect change in Cuba, and the results of this trip have reinforced that vision for me. In planning this trip, I had only hoped to get people together, get them talking and start the ball rolling. Never in my wildest dreams could I have imagined the progress that was made in just a few short days. While we were in Cuba, several letters of intent and documents were negotiated and signed by our institutions, in a variety of different fields. Schepens Eye Research Center from Harvard Medical School will be setting up a program to bring Cuban medical students to study here. Massachusetts College of Art will be bringing artists and writers to Boston for a Cuban culture show. And Boston College would like to send its students to Cuba to study Spanish. I was amazed at the interesting discussions that took place, and the relationships that took off. But, that is what I see when I look at Cuba -- I see people starving for a chance to learn, meet the world and ultimately create change. And I believe these kind of exchanges will slowly break down the barriers between Cuba and the United States, allow us to understand each other better, and promote change in Cuba. And I'll tell you there is opportunity for change in Cuba. During my recent visit, I went to Palm Sunday mass at the Cathedral in Havana. The Archbishop, Cardinal Jaime Ortega, led a beautiful procession around the grand old church, out into the street, with worshippers holding their palms high. This open expression of faith and religion was unimaginable 3 years ago before the Pope arrived. I believe that more attempts to open up the Cuban society, like the Pope's, will have similar effects. 2 �I was there when the Pope made his historic visit, and I'll tell you it was an experience that has left a mark on me forever. The Cuban people were estatic to have the opportunity to express their faith so openly, to be on the world's stage, and to welcome so many visitors to their country. They're ready for change -- its time we help them get there. The current U.S. policy that places and embargo on trade with Cuba may not have been such a bad idea in 1963. But we must acknowledge now that it has failed, and we must begin a course to change the way this country deals with Cuba. After 40 years, Fidel Castro has remained in power, in large part I believe because we have given him an excuse for his government's failures. Let me tell you, the embargo hasn't hurt Castro and his supporters. Every time there is a food shortage, and every time there is a sharp economic downturn, Castro places the blame firmly in our lap. He points to the north and tells his poor people that the evil capitalists are causing their pam. We must take this excuse away from him. While in Cuba, I had a very frank conversation with a prominent dissident in Cuba, who told me that he believes the U.S. policy of embargo is a major reason Castro remains in power. This is a man that has spent many years in jail for his outspoken criticism of the Cuban government, and the leading spokesperson on human rights in Cuba. He and I agreed that by lifting the embargo, allowing Americans to interact with Cubans, showing the Cuban people our democratic ways and allowing our products to reach their shores, there is no way a communist dictatorship could remain in control. 3 �I believe that it is very significant that this leader on human rights -- who is actually on the ground in Cuba -- is calling for the end of the embargo, while the Cuban American community in Miami is working harder than ever to keep the embargo on. I believe the debate must be shifted to allow the voice of the many who are actually affected by the embargo -- those that live in Cuba. The embargo, to me, means a lot more than just a ban on trade. Certainly the Cuban government is to blame for the plight of its people. But, I believe we have a responsibility to do all that we can to alleviate the difficult lives the Cuban people lead. Conditions that the Cuban people live by are tremendously difficult. Food is short, medicines are scarce and the health of the average Cuban is declining. New breakthrough medicines that combat cancer are not available, doctors re-use disposable gloves until they break, and pacemakers for heart patients are virtually impossible to find. I remember vividly a visit I made to a pediatric hospital just outside of Havana. One particular little boy had a heart disorder that is widely treated in the United States using the insertion of a plastic shunt. But, that simple device is made in America, and therefore not available in Cuba. So this helpless child spent 86 days in intensive care -- and nearly died. During that terrible ordeal the little boy lost a lung, and will have continued health problems for years to come. That is what the embargo means to me. Now, I know, supporters of the embargo will say that Cuba can go to any other country in the world to buy medicines. That is true, but the problem is that the United States is the leader in medicines, medical supplies, medical techniques, and everything else with the prefix "med" before it. The fact is that we've got the comer on the medical market. 4 �Furthermore, we passed the Helms-Burton law that prevents subsidiaries abroad from doing business in Cuba. As the economy has become more and more global, U.S. pharmaceutical and medical supply companies have increased their share of ownership around the world. Today, the U.S. owned subsidiaries dominate the market abroad. So, when Cuba looks to other countries for medicines, they often run-in to road blocks there as well. I know that Canadians are playing an active role in Cuba, and I applaud your organizations for your efforts to bring about freedoms in Cuba. I remember well last year when the Canadian government stood firm and criticized Castro for locking up 4 dissidents simply for speaking their minds. It is that kind of relationship -- engaged, yet critical when necessary -- that I belive the United States should be holding with Cuba. So, in your organizations' dealings with Cuba, I urge you to continue to speak about human rights and freedom. I encourage you to talk about how freely Canadians live, and I hope you'll talk about Canadian lifestyles and pastimes. Now, I don't know if hockey would catch on down there with all that hot weather, but it sure would make interesting conversation! But, seriously, that is how change will come and I hope the U.S. government will join you soon in trying to bring change from within. I firmly believe this is an issue we must address and we cannot pass-up an opportunity to truly change Cuba for the better. We need to engage Cuba so we'll be there when the political status-quo is gone. After Castro, there is a giant vacuum of leadership -- and no one really knows who will step in and fill that role. Continuing the U.S. policy leaves us without any influence. But, by engaging Cuba now, the United States will have a hand in the future and can work to bring about democratic ideals to the island. 5 �So, in closing, I'd like to say again that I this is a critical time in the debate. I'm going to continue to stand up and speak out against what I believe is a mis-guided policy, and I hope the American public joins me in this effort. And I encourage you to continue what you're doing, continue to educate people and continue to open doors in Cuba. It is time we bring some sense to this debate on Cuba -- maybe then it won't take a little boy's tragedy to point out the difference between right and wrong. Thank you. -30- 6 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley's statement on U.S.-Cuba Policy at a New England-Canada Business Council event Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1 May 2000 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. policy toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 90 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1328 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/e9a04f478992c3c3cc5610bb0e142fad.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=C0I4cbeQ0i%7E3T6hD1dwcOMavnddKLuv9QdlEY5u3cPWWnSS5f5vCvBxLX5YUY3j2cxKAvhj8O-fq5zwC4XKChwp0YFqzYobDj6Gq4ovifezliLyfZxnd8zNAYAZqJk9HhpST9ib8fFic%7E0clanU9jE144aPFdVKSJfSZ%7ENNoj22X-0odJBpv9zm3fTnffBhU8BOuIV4VvKaIqOxQN24MGeU3Bk9mdzPG9-Xxku6qFBIwEtTDO-uqJBV9AltxFnlRBDqkIoDfQGw29XGuRAyccRLugtUtAGyS0m-rJg0m-xeHhQMGurUxtRDsAxccK3xTUEnPB%7E70FCMPFtfsCmw6Gg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 56da99a66bd1a32edca288abcbd36237 PDF Text Text � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from Congressmen Moakley and McGovern to President Fidel Castro urging the release of political prisoners Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 25 July 1997 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 McGovern, James P. Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. policy toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 89 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Type The nature or genre of the resource Documents Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1327 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/ecca239e42f31a472027e19e07109b02.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=v7J2D%7EdvhQPtW7vFmSJW-sSu3QCFBwrFlegIdi%7E9FS-mAW1LlyAxrgkxzJyCOyk0MAEfb%7Ek09Oyxs1X1HJAp6jkc8GCNgaOSJbA1UTLQj0dOg2228rHkEnMjqp7ZEdzA0dFVEbLqeTIvVCw3MCpegQw7HTuUlZZAdLl9u1vg0oX7rVtCqmKFCP%7EFRTq8z0a6fYI9J3s8sJ9zOFxdmOqaFMPNaP76%7EANqZ6PnjNm6Z2Hg690QtVpBCgr2LPObWZxRyxDQTACnLdKMf6xk9XIfMdpxl5D3FkAGLK6esyYRB4vA9SIYypjn5Ot4xYKU4Vean%7ESAYuDYQc216Rbzn-93Sg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 7dcffd3ef9030f420d8ffb4822bb7a28 PDF Text Text 07/16/98 HIRC DEM STAFF THU 18:13 FAX 202 226 3581 cttongress of tf)e Wnitrb ~tates imasi)ington, llQ.t 20515 July 16, 1998 President Fidel Castro Ruz President of the Republic of Cuba Havana, Cuba Dear Mr. President: We write to request the immediate and unconditional release ofVladimiro Roca Antunes, Marta Beatriz Roque Cabello, Rene Gomez Manzano, and Felix A. Bonne Carcases. One year ago today these four individuals were detained and have been held since pending investigation for counter-revolutionary activities. The detention of these dissidents without trial strongly suggests they are being held simply because they advocate peaceful political change. We believe such imprisorunent is unjust. When you invited Pope John Paul II to Cuba and broadcast all of his outdoor masses live, you demonstrated a willingness to let dissenting views be heard on the island. The release of these four individuals would be in keeping with that spirit. We note further that your willingness to release these four prisoners of conscience can have only a positive impact on relations between our two countries. Sincerely, Lee H. Hamilton, M.C. /: ,I I ~.--.J--:i: '- . (.i·-' (..~ .. I i. I /Iii; '1-ttt William D. Delahunt, M.C. ~~1NT£D DN ~ECYCLED PAPER James P. McGovern, M.C. [4J 002 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter from members of Congress to President Fidel Castro urging the release of political prisoners Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 16 July 1998 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. Economic and Trade Policy Toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 89 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Type The nature or genre of the resource Documents Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1326 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/a04b4a66bbf99d6ab885b2862958c5b1.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=NT0YVQewgsNaum5tTV%7EgIKhvGrwhHu1z3QNQv83PFQcbOX%7E8iPqBIeXysPAQ7qGOHTm20MZ7YpAu%7EKB3LnNIo2Xde%7E1okuRLlmX3fGFV3Bh5Ub8WqpzdnpixZhPR0qxSLn5WlKq9P2hcnD2goj7jihDWUkfatvs-UTQfdeppE7LD6bQ0PKKgDsXB4MQj2LBcQTObK55lvDJljZfCcGlT4vHkK4P3tw4omEvAmSVDkkUneCPT8SysQZW5TUFvRvCtisYjMtREZvi69WARQ1WONuYjnuvvhF0ED8Oci57yzuHP7cH-O-CAMpTFUzKRg6hqMToK0m1nd%7E0jTCSL8jCRbA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 0e4ebf66bfb0e9d977aa4167c40394b3 PDF Text Text JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEV 235 CANNON BUILDING 20515 (2021 225-8273 FAX: (2021 225-3984 WASHINGTON, DC 9TH DISTRICT, MASSACHUSETIS COMMITIEE ON RULES RANKING DEMOCRATIC MEMBER UNITED STATES COURTHOUSE SUITE 3110 KEVIN RYAN 1 COURTHOUSE WAY CHIEF OF STAFF MA 02210 16171 565-2920 16171 439-5460 FAx: 16171 439-5157 BOSTON, WASHINGTON cttongrcss of tbc mtnttcb ~tatcs FREDERICK W. CLARK DISTRICT DIRECTOR 1!,ou~e of 31\epre~entattbe~ BOSTON E-mail: jmoakley@mail.house.gov URL: http://www.house.gov/moakley 4 COURT STREET MA 02780 15081 824-6676 FAX: 15081 880--3520 TAUNTON, Miasf)tngton, 11\~ 20515-2109 May 24, 2001 BROCKTON FEDERAL 8U1LDING 166 MAIN STREET MA 02301 15081 586-5555 FAX: 15081 580-4692 BROCKTON, Fidel Castro Ruz President Republic of Cuba Casa Presidencial Havana, Cuba Dear President Castro, As I write this letter, I am very ill. I have asked my friend, Congressman Jim McGovern, to deliver this letter to you when he travels to Cuba in June. I regret that I cannot bring it to you myself. It meant a great deal to me to receive your letter. I was grateful for your kind words. As I have told you before, I look forward to a time when the great people of our two nations can work together in unity. I look forward to a time when open trade will flow freely, academics and scientists will collaborate regularly, artists will exchange techniques, and everyday people will simply converse openly. The accomplishments between us will be endless. I can only hope that people in the Bush Administration and in the Cuban government who share my views won't give up the challenge to reconcile our two nations. As you know from our past conversations, I believe the U.S. embargo towards Cuba is unjust. I've always thought that if it's going to change, it will require some new thinking and bold moves. And it is in that spirit that I make the following suggestions. I hope that you would make a personal invitation to President Bush or Secretary of State Powell, asking him to come to Cuba on the same terms given to Pope John Paul II - the freedom to speak openly, uncensored, with national coverage of his remarks; the freedom to meet with whomever he chooses and to travel across the island. Once again, it would allow you to showcase your people and your beautiful country. At the same time, I urge you to finish the initiative you began at the time of the Pope's visit by freeing from your jails and prisons those remaining prisoners whose only real crime was their non-violent disagreement with the State. Let them go home to their �President Fidel Castro Ruz May 24, 2001 families, their children and grandchildren. I respectfully make this request with the knowledge that this is an internal matter - yet I feel compelled to make this suggestion as a humane and positive step. I now face an adversary I cannot hope to beat. As you said in your letter to me, we have always had open and frank discussions. And it is because of this history between us that I take this opportunity and appeal to you to try - one more time - to take a bold step on the path to restore relations between our two nations. John Joseph Moakle Member of Congre s �24 de mayo del 2001 Fidel Castro Ruz Presidente La Republica de Cuba Casa Presidencial La Habana, Cuba Estimado Presidente Castro: Le escribo esta carta sufriendo de una enfermedad muy grave. Le pedi a mi amigo, el congresista Jim McGovern, enviar esta carta a Ud. cuando viaje a Cuba enjunio de este afio. Lamento no haber podido entregarsela personalmente. Fue muy importante para mi recibir su carta. Estoy muy agradecido por sus palabras tan arnables. Como le dije antes, anticipo la hora cuando los pueblos de nuestras naciones puedan trabajar conjuntamente y unidos. Anticipo el dia cuando el comercio se abra, los academicos y cientificos colaboren regularmente, los artistas intercarnbien sus tecnicas y la demas gente converse abiertarnente. Los logros mutuos no conoceran limites. Espero que la administraci6n de Bush y el gobiemo cubano compartan esta vision y no dejen de luchar por la reconciliaci6n de nuestras naciones. Como Ud. recordara de nuestras conversaciones pasadas, creo que el embargo nortearnericano con respecto a Cuba es injusto. Siempre he opinado que si va a cambiar, requerira nuevas formas de pensar y unos pasos audaces. En ese espiritu le ofrezco las siguientes sugerencias: Aconsejo le extienda una invitaci6n personal al Presidente Bush o al Secretario de Estado Colin Powell para viajar a Cuba bajo los mismo terminos dados al Papa Juan Pablo II-la libertad de hablar abiertamente, sin ningun tipo de censura, con cobertura nacional de sus comentarios; la libertad de reunirse con quien desee y de viajar por toda la isla. Otra vez, le permitiria a Ud. otra oportunidad para dar a conocer su pueblo y su pais tan hermoso. A la vez, le pido amablemente finalizar Ud. la iniciativa que empez6 durante la visita del Papa liberando de las carceles y prisiones a todos los prisioneros cuyo unico crimen fue su disconformidad pacifica con el Estado. Permitales que regresen a casa ya sus familias, sus nifios y sus nietos. Le hago esta petici6n con todo respeto, reconociendo �Presidente Fidel Castro Ruiz 24 de mayo del 2001 que estos son asuntos internos-sin embargo, me siento obligado a hacer esta sugerencia como un paso humanitario y positivo. Ahora me enfrento con un adversario que nunca podre veneer. Como me dijo Ud. en su carta, siempre hemos discutido las cosas abierta y francamente. Y es por esta historia entre nosotros que tomo esta oportunidad para pedirle-una vez mas-tomar paso audaz hacia la restauraci6n de relaciones entre nuestras dos naciones. Respetuosamente, John Joseph Moakley Miembro del congreso norteamericano � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1325 Title A name given to the resource Letter from President Fidel Castro to Congressman John Joseph Moakley expressing sympathy for Moakley's illness (with Spanish translation) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 24 May 2001 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. Economic and Trade Policy Toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 93 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource Spanish Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/3ab6c789f227fe8090c27846b147f700.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=vcXOJepkwRXFmUG1fx5P48Y2IB8uMgJAyfW8kx8J2ZSb3Gp5yM4-%7EnD5NMY3hogLqwqu6WkvUYONhF1iQGtZB3BVRCvhJGgsM38uvQHUyh-v0KpO7IPSfmOoaLPbjNLSiPn0lL5gWT4xHALEr7hvGdC48lhzJ6FeSz7SYdu4mapOTSCcExQtEDqGJiJWqOvOqyYxkUYxyMB9fbZrzrga8gD4OKY6I4kJAwzTS-4BSn7aYH2bEryMKEU0U2b8Hbgx5rTs5emxxi1AI986D5KOAU6IRHezbbHaSr3j1EyqkaSfO2hNGJYqzWYtmbH-y65Jo61XQ53DvErFbRipd-%7E1rQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM b107cdb54c5f44df1ce4c69f529d478a PDF Text Text JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY PLEASE RESPOND TO: 0 235 CANNON BUILDING WASHINGTON, DC 20515 1202) 225-8273 FAX: 1202) 225-3984 D 9TH DISTRICT, MASSACHUSETIS WORLD TRADE CENTER SUITE 220 BOSTON, MA 02210 1617) 565-2920 I 6171 439-5460 FAX: 1617) 439-5157 D 4 COURT STREET TAUNTON, MA 02780 1508) 824-6676 FAX: (508) 880-3520 D BROCKTON FEDERAL BUILDING 166 MAIN STREET BROCKTON, MA 02401 (508) 586--5555 COMMITIEE ON RULES RANKING DEMOCRATIC MEMBER KEVIN RYAN CHIEF OF STAFF WASHINGTON FREDERICK W. CLARK (!Congress of tbe Wntteb ~tates DISTRICT DtAECTOR BOSTON E-mail: jmoakley@hr.house.gov URL: http://www.house.gov/moakley/welcome.html 11,ousc of l\cprcscntatibcs mmlasbtngton, illctt 20515-2109 June 17, 1997 The Honorable William J. Clinton President of the United States The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20500 FAX: 1508) 580--4692 Dear President Clinton: I know that the renewal of Most Favored Nation Status for China is a vitally important initiative for your administration. I commend your efforts to pursue an open, strategic dialogue with China that best serves the interests of this nation. Integration, and not isolation, will give the United States the influence necessary to work for respect of human rights, non-proliferation, the rule of law and religious freedom in China. Revoking this trade status, and effectively cutting off dialogue between our nations, will severely undermine our ability to work for positive change. For these and other reasons, I will support you in the extension of MFN for China. With the strategy of engagement as a tool to achieve the goals of our national interests in mind, I want to respectfully point out the inconsistencies of U.S. policy towards Cuba. As you recall, this is an issue that I discussed with you last year at the White House during the China MFN debate. For 35 years, the United States has pursued a policy of isolationism with Cuba -- and it hasn't worked. Even after losing the patronage of the former Soviet Union, the Castro-regime has remained. The U.S. embargo on Cuba has not forced Castro out of power, it has not improved Cuba's respect for human rights and it certainly has not improved the lives of Cuban citizens. As you know, a recent study by the American Association for World Health reports that the U.S. embargo has had a drastic effect on the health of women and children in Cuba. In fact, Fidel Castro has frequently used the U.S. embargo to justify and explain the failures of his system. Every time there is a food shortage, economic decline or crackdown on political dissidents, Castro delivers one of his famous speeches blaming the U.S. embargo for the problems. It is time for a change. Like in China, change in Cuba will come only through open dialogue and engagement. By exposing the island to an infusion of free enterprise, democratic ideals, and people who believe in political freedom, I strongly believe that change will occur in Cuba. And it will occur much quicker in Cuba than in China. Cuba, only 90 miles off our shore, is a much smaller nation, and can embrace democracy and its ideals faster than the massive nation of China. As in the former Soviet Union and across Eastern Europe, the spirit of capitalism will flourish. With open political channels, the United States will have the opportunity to talk to Cuban officials about important issues like human rights and political openness. Such engagement will in fact allow us to increase the pressure for change in human rights and democracy. Currently, we have no avenue to pursue this goal. Additionally, our business leaders will talk about the importance of free speech and market reforms as precursors to the American investment that Cuba so desperately needs. The Cuban government will be forced to accept the change that is inevitable. THIS STATIONERY PRINTED ON RECYCLED PAPER �As you stated in your recent letter to me regarding China MFN, "If we fail to engage China, we will fuel the very forces that trample human rights and flaunt international rules and regimes. Over time, if we engage China -- encouraging the evolution of the rule of law and civil society -- if contacts across borders, among people and between governments grow; if markets expand and information flows; if we make our differences clear; then there is a far greater likelihood that the roots of a more open society will gain strength in China and America's interests will be served." I would argue that the same logical strategy is true for U.S.-Cuba relations. Therefore, Mr. President, as we debate the important issue of China's MFN renewal, I hope that you will seriously revisit the U.S. policy toward Cuba. Certainly, if we are pursuing open dialogues with China, North Korea and Vietnam, openness with Cuba makes sense. At a minimum, engagement will force Castro to be more tolerant and will create a climate of reform. And, quite possibly, open engagement might also pave the way for an end to the reign of the Castro dictatorship that has lasted for 38 years. I appreciate your consideration of this important issue, and look forward to discussing the matter with you in the future. JJM:sl � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1322 Title A name given to the resource Letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley to President Bill Clinton expressing concern over US policy towards Cuba Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 17 June 1997 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. Economic and Trade Policy Toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 92 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/44c3d1eab729ae1f59f268a129b248a4.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=oZ3eqqwsJGaerOcaIEwO-9IuXGwIN5SifEyjCNWXtCnUNs6LvpdM1OxqnJ8Swn1C8g9x0QfnCNVuDvP5l9zr6FFzyUUvX3egXdM0CS42MFRyn95-g1kzxw2yA9u%7EO3q%7EPdQdhFluoav7zSIsN5jzKW%7ExTNRKWJZD1n%7EA-NhQJhNqhm6N76zTQwNj%7EXLmv6ENoYG3%7E2rzW9OtyOzBbEgRYUrmVRrIo9w610h6shOTVk9RMG74UOYVXNYmI23rZ18grXURKO%7EO4rZ7ewO1E9fwbpMznr5pGbKj1g2gv2kTRywgFtXQVVmZtVt%7E4NodTVv6OOmUy2jPVU1t%7Esf6HprIZw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM a438b1d033ef4663534f75cacd4853d1 PDF Text Text SRELEASE From Congressman Joe Moakley. 9th District, Massachusetts For Immediate Release May 7, 1998 Contact: David Carreiro Steve LaRose 202-225-8273 Congressman Moakley testifies to the House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Trade expressing his support of HR 1951, The Cuban Humanitarian Trade Act. Congressman Joe Moakley (D-MA) testified today before the Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Committee. He expressed his concern over continuing US policy regarding a 38 year old embargo on trade with Cuba and his support of HR 1951, the Cuban Humanitarian Trade Act. HR 1951 seeks to remove current restrictions on the sale of food and medicine to Cuba. In his remarks, Mr. Moakley spoke of the need for the United States to take advantage of the new opportunities for discussions with the Cuban government created by the recently concluded visit of Pope John Paul II. Moakley said, "We must remember that children do not understand politics or embargoes. But children do feel suffering --they do feel pain. I'll say again that the Cuban people's suffering is not our fault, but I believe the US has a responsibility to not make things worse." Moakley also testified about his first hand experience observing the continuing suffering of the Cuban people that is a direct result of embargo restrictions affecting the availability of medicine and medical supplies in Cuba. He recounted his visit to a Cuban hospital, just outside of Havana and the young boy he met there. Moakley said, "I vividly recall one young boy that I will never forget. This particular little boy had a heart disorder that is widely treated using the insertion of a plastic shunt. But, because this simple device is made in the United States, and thus unavailable in Cuba, this helpless child was forced to spend 86 days in intensive care -- and nearly died." Moakley continued, "the Pope's visit has created an atmosphere of change in Cuba, we need to move forward. I think it is time we lift the embargo on food and medicine and allow the Cuban people access to the best medical and food supplies the United States has to offer." The hearing by the Subcommittee on Trade was called for by Rep. Moakley, Rep. Richard Neal (D-MA) and Mr. Charles Rangel (D-NY) upon their return to the United States from Cuba and the papal visit. Mr. Moakley praised Mr. Philip Crane (R-IL) , Chairman of the subcommittee for holding this hearing. Mr. Moakley's full statement is included in this release. -30- Joe Moakley, U.S. House of Representatives, Room 235, Cannon Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515, 202-225-7300 ~· �The Honorable Joe Moakley Statement on U.S. - Cuba Policy Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Committee May 7, 1998 Chairman Crane, Congressman Matsui, members of the committee, thank you for allowing me to testify before your subcommittee today regarding the United States' policy toward Cuba. I commend you for holding this hearing to look into our Cuba policy, which, frankly, needs a change. Mr. Chairman, as you know, I visited Cuba this January during the historic visit of Pope John Paul II. Despite the media's decision to turn their coverage to other matters, the Pope's visit has done a great deal to teach the world about Cuba, highlight its problems, introduce us to its many assets, and put a human face on this most mysterious and troubling nation. Today, many concrete changes have already occurred due to the Pope's courageous efforts. Most visibly, Cuban's are practicing religion more freely in their horpeland now, without fear of oppression or crackdown. During my visit, it was tremendously moving to stand in Revolutionary Square, at the Papal Mass, and to see Catholics openly expressing their faith for the Pope and their God. Many of them couldn't believe they were being allowed to act so openly. This event was a major step forward for Cuba. I think that it is very important to note that the openness has been allowed to continue. We recently saw Catholics freely celebrating Easter Sunday in the main streets of Havana, and in the small churches of the countryside. Beautiful religious processions wound through the Cuban streets without question or comment from the government. It appears, at least for now, that Castro's strong hand against religion has weakened. And I am very glad that President Clinton has responded to the openness in Cuba with several positive steps regarding the United States' policy. I applaud the Clinton administration for its moves to allow direct flights for humanitarian aid, to allow family remittances and to work to ease the licencing process for medicines. As I've said many times, we aren't responsible for the suffering of the Cuban people -- Cuba is. But, we also should make it a policy to do what we can to help those in need. Right now, our policy isn't doing that. 1 �The American Association for World Health's five-year study on the Cuban health care system highlighted the desperate plight of the Cuban people. According to their expert medical opinion, the embargo has "dramatically harmed the health and nutrition of large numbers of ordinary Cuban citizens. " The report went on to identify malnutrition, poor water quality, lack of medicines and equipment and the lack of medical information as the major causes of the Cuban health care crisis. The needs in Cuba are tremendous. New, breakthrough medicines that combat cancer and AIDS are not available, doctors re-use disposable gloves until they break, pacemakers for heart patients are virtually impossible to find, extreme shortages in kidney dialysis machines keep patients from receiving treatments, and children's cancer wards go without nausea suppressants for children receiving chemotherapy. The suffering goes on and on. I believe the steps that President Clinton has taken will begin to lessen some of that suffering. Now, we need to do more, because while the Administration's moves are positive, donations will never be able to affect as many people as direct sales of food and medicines. Donations, while very important, do not always include those items that are most needed. Only through the direct sale of medicines can doctors obtain the exact items they need for proper care. That is why I am a proud co-sponsor of H.R. 1951, the Cuban Humanitarian Trade Act, legislation that will remove U.S. trade restrictions on the sale of food and medicine to Cuba. I want to say a word about the suffering I just mentioned. While I was in Cuba recently, we visited a pediatric hospital, just outside of downtown Havana. We walked along the wards, and stopped in to visit with the sick children and their parents. This was real life -- there were no politics here, no state symbols, no speeches. I listened carefully to the young mothers, describing their children's unwarranted suffering and pain. Many of the children that I visited that day had fairly common diseases and disorders that are easily curable using modern techniques and medicines. In the United States we have the best medicines, the best medical training, and the most innovative medical devices in the world. But the sad truth is that most of these items are not available to these tiny Cuban children, due to the embargo. 2 �I vividly recall one child that I will never forget. This particular little boy had a heart disorder that is widely treated using the insertion of a plastic shunt. But, that simple device is made in America, and therefore not available in Cuba. So this helpless child spent 86 days in intensive care -- and nearly died. During that terrible ordeal, the little boy lost a lung, and will have continued health problems for years to come. His young mother told me she didn't understand why they couldn't get that piece of plastic. She looked to me for answers, Mr. Chairman -- I had none. I know opponents will say there is no embargo on medicine. They will say anything can be obtained with a licence. But the fact is, that's just not happening. The process is extremely slow and difficult, and most U.S. companies don't even try. Now, the facts are often disputed here, but even the most generous estimates say that we have only issued 27 licenses for the commercial sale of medicines over the last six years. For a country with the medical needs of Cuba, that's not a lot of medicine. There are many reasons why the licencing process doesn't work. For one, U.S. companies don't want to go through the difficult steps and the paperwork. And many U.S. corporations don't even know they can sell to Cuba through a licence. Opponents will also say that Cuba can go to any other country in the world to buy medicines. That is true, but the problem is that the United States is the leader in medicines, medical supplies, medical techniques, and everything else that has the prefix med- before it. The fact is that Cuba needs our innovative products and ideas, because, quite simply we're the best and we've got the corner on the market. Furthermore, we passed a law in 1992 that prevents subsidiaries abroad from doing business in Cuba. As the economy has gotten more and more global, U.S. pharmaceutical and medical supply companies have increased their share of ownership around the world. Today, U.S. owned subsidiaries dominate the market abroad. So, when Cuba looks to other countries for medicines they often run into more roadblocks. Mr. Chairman, the Pope's visit has created an atmosphere of change in Cuba that hasn't been seen since the revolution. And, I don't think things will go back to the ways of the past. It's too hard to "put the genie back in the bottle", as they say. So we need to move forward. I think it is time we lift the embargo on food and medicines and allow the Cuban people access to the best medical and food supplies we have to offer. 3 �We need to engage Cuba so we can effect change now, and in the future when the political status quo is gone. Our isolationism of the last 38 years has done nothing to change Cuba -- in fact I believe it is one reason Castro has been able to stay in power for so long. Quite simply, our embargo policy has given him an enemy to point to. Now, we have a historic opportunity before us. We need to be part of Cuba's changing political and social situation by engaging in a dialogue of thoughts and ideas. We need to be ready for the day when Castro is gone. After Castro, there is a giant vacuum of leadership in Cuba. No one really knows for sure who will fill that vacuum. Continuing our current policy leaves us without any influence. We will have no say in the future political leadership of our neighboring island. But, by engaging Cuba now, the United States will have a hand in the future, and can work to bring democratic ideals to the Cuban people. Lifting restrictions on food and medicine is a good way to begin that engagement. So, again Mr. Chairman, I commend you and the Subcommittee for holding this hearing, and allowing me to testify today. We must remember, Mr. Chairman, that children do not understand politics or embargoes. But children do feel suffering -- they do feel pain. I'll say again that the Cuban people's suffering is not our fault, but I think the United States has a responsibility not to make things worse. We have that responsibility all over the globe. I've met the Cuban people, sat down in their homes with them, and listened to their concerns -- I know they deserve at least that much from us. Mr. Chairman, our Cuba policy is 38 years old and it just hasn't worked. In fact, it's a complete failure. If our policy was a fortune 500 company, it would have been bankrupt years ago. No one in this room can honestly say we're hurting Castro -- he's certainly not starving. I believe it's time for a change. I look forward to working with you and our colleagues in the Congress to bring about change in Cuba, and to create a policy that finally makes a difference in Cuba where it matters -- with the people. Thank You. -30- 4 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1321 Title A name given to the resource Press release on Congressman John Joseph Moakley's testimony in support of H.R. 1951 before the Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Commmittee Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7 May 1998 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. Economic and Trade Policy Toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 91 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/fdd24e8821c7fba7b1e2bd1a21a2195c.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=Yn-1qAZBuaopTQR%7ECeKxwqRc%7EFbzxDvOh2%7E7njXCUO0o9x%7Emn9-%7E%7EkRkBvYpurkBBfaNtfGjBUM9UFrafs-pITNHbdQ0QraaSHVj4Fed5hm85lmUTAvnrW6VtMaVf-Dwmyn95FUQknwCJGpYOZGl0QLfLipbwF%7Et7Kc%7EHzMXPltNnkg%7EtwQHcxix%7E0z7hvpjRyjHtx7UeYlJMYksCXvmuRbiiyEkzR3p0nQvxWGIcRDeMcPKvkkl2mmYSyBPZQiV2AlFQ-K-eNPtVuVQSs20y6vmB6RN21tzoNw8QQ6kNERCl%7EKYbnTvRonSaGG5FfrSiDPYaY3xD47kjDrMTIgwPg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 8f50f95c672b8bfcb1eeb9f16a8eec9a PDF Text Text The Honorable Joe Moakley Statement on U.S. - Cuba Policy Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Committee May 7, 1998 -I <(A#Glf L Chairman Crane Congressma~ members of the 1 committee thank you for allowing me to testify before your 1 subcom;nittee today regarding the United States' policy toward Cuba(' I commend you for holding this hearing to look into our Cuba policy/ which, frankly/ needs a change. W, Tll C:ff}c,trL tr )v~ Mr. Chairman, as you know t I visited Cuba this January during the historic visit of Pope John Paul n/ Despite the med'i'a's decision to turn their coverage to other matter} the Pope's visit has done a great deal to teach the world about Cub'l highlight its problemsI introduce us to its many assets, and put a human face on this most mysterious and troubling mtiot Toda~ many concrete changes have already occurred due to the Pope's courageous efforts,/Niost visibly1 Cuban's are practicing religion more freely in their homeland now/ without fear of oppression or crackdown/ 1 �During my visit, it was tremendously moving to stand in Revolutionary Square/ at the Papal Mass, and to see Catholics openly expressing their faith for the Pope and their Goa/ Many of them couldn't believe they were being allowed to act so openly/This event was a major step forward for Cuba./ I think that it is very important to note that the openness has been allowed to continue/we recently saw Catholics freely celebrating Easter Sunday in the main streets of Havan and in 1 the small churches ofJhe countryside/ Beautiful religious processions ~ ~ r : g h the Cuban streets without question or comment from the governmeny"It appear~ at least for nop, that Castro's strong hand against religion has ~.:'l:e,~r/Jf)t:rr:::,I And I am very glad that President Clinton has responded to the openness in Cuba with several positive steps regarding the United States' policy/I applaud the Clinton administration for its moves to allow direct flights for humanitarian ai~ to allow family remittances, and to work to ease the licencing process for medicines/As I've said many times/we aren't responsible for the suffering of the Cuban people,- Cuba is/Bu~ we also , / should make it a policy to do what we can help those in neey Right now olicy isn't doing that. fo a... 2 �The American Association for World Health's five-year study on the Cuban health care systen,highlighted the desperate plight of the Cuban people. According to their expert medical opinio~ large numbers of ordinary Cuban citizens. " The report went on to identify malnutrition/ poor water qualitf lack of mediciney and equipmen and the lack of medical informatioi,as the major 1 causes of the Cuban health care crisis· I The needs in Cuba are tremendous/ Ne'/ breakthrough medicines that combat cancer an/AIDS are not availabl~ doctors re-use disposable gloves until they brea~ pacemakers for heart patients are virtually impossible to fin'!, extreme shortages in kidney dialysis machines keep patients from receiving treatments,and children's cancer wards go without nausea suppressants for children receiving chemotherapy/The suffering goes on and on. ... 7 ._.. 3 �I believe the steps that President Clinton has taken will begin to lessen some of that suffering/Now, we need to do more 1 because while the Administration's moves are positiv<t donations will never be able to affect as many people as direct sales of food and medicines onations while very important, do not 1 always include those items that are most needecylon1y through the direct sale of medicines can doctors obtain the exact items they need for proper care/That is why I am a proud co-sponsor of H.R. 1951/ the Cuban Humanitarian Trade Ac_; legislation that will remove U.S. trade restrictions on the sale of food and medicine to Cuba/ I want to say a word about the suffering I just mentionec(While I was in Cuba recentl)J visited a pediatric hospita just outside of downtown Havana/4 walked along the war~ and stopped in to visit with the sick children and their parents'lThis was real Ii'.)!- there were no politics her~ no state sym(ol~ no speeches-/! listened carefully to the young mother~ describing their children's unwarranted suffering and pain. -.J 1 4 �Many of the children that I visited that day had fairly common diseases and disorders that are easily curable using modern techniques and medicines/_In the United States we have the best medicine the best medical t;a·mn and the most innovative medical devices in the world But the sad truth is that most of 1 1 these items are not available to these tiny Cuban childre!,' due to the embargo. ,_ that is widely treated using the little boy had a heart disorder I vividly recall one child that I will never for-et / This particular ~ insertion of a plastic shunVBu; that simpleivice is made in Americ'l and therefore not available in Cuba So this h5Pless_ child spent 86 days in intensive care/- and early died/During that terrible ordea the little boy lost a lung and will have 1 1 continued health problems for years to comy'His young mother told me she didn't understand why they couldn't get that piece of plastic/ She looked to me for answer7 Mr. Chainna~-- I had none. / 5 �I know opponents will say there is no embargo on medicine/ They will say anything can be obtained with a licence/Bit the fact is/that's just not happening/The process is exlemely slow and difficulland most U.S. col.parries don't even try/No' the facts are often disputed heri' but even the most {enerous estimates say that we have only issued 27 licenses fo7e commercial sale of medicines over the last six year For a country with the medical needs of Cub) that's not a lot of medicine. There are many reasons why the licencing process doesn't wort./ For one/ U.S. companies don't want to go through the difficult steps and the paperwork/And many U.S. corporations don't even know they can sell to Cuba through a licence. Opponents will also say that Cuba can go to any other country in the world to buy medicines./That is tru~ but the problem is ~ the United States is the lealer in medicfne) medical supplit?) medical tejniques, and everything else that has the prefix medbefore iV:'he fact is that Cuba needs our innovative product~ and idea 1 because, quite simpll we're the best and we've got the corner on the market. 6 �Furthermor7 we passed a law in 1992 that prevents subsidiaries abroad from doing business in Cuba/As the economy has gotten more and more global' U.S. pharmaceutical and medical supply companil_8. have increased their share of ownership around the world, ~oday/ U.S. owned subsidiaries dominate the market abroa S~, when Cuba looks abroad for medicine} they often run i o more roadblocks. \ Mr. Chairman/ the Pope's visit has created an atmosphere of change in Cuba that hasn't been seen since the revolution And, I don't think things will go back to the ways of the pasV1t's too hard to "put the genie back in the bottle;, as they say So we need to move forward/I think it is time we lift the embargo on food and medicine~and allow the Cuban people access to the best medical and food supplies we have to offer. We need to engage Cuba so we can effect change now and in the future when the political status quo is gonVOu~olationism of the last 38 years has done nothing to change Cuba/ in fact I believe it is one reason Castro has been able to stay in power for so long./Quite simpl) our embargo policy has given him an enemy (o point to. ,4~1) ;o e~Jif r 7 A- S!Jftf1t....ef>,lllt1lt... FOi<- ttu- ~ oCffi:NewtX �Now, an historic opportunity is upon us We need to be part of Cuba's changing political and social si ation by engaging in a dialogue of thoughts an ideas We need to be ready for the day when Castro is gone. After Castr~ there is a giant vacuum of leadership in Cuba. o one really knows for sure who will fill ontinuing our current policy leaves us without that vacuum. any influence/ We will have no say in the future political r1 leadership of our neighboring island/But, by engaging, Cuba now1 the United States will have a hand in the futu~re nd can work to bring democratic ideals to the Cuban people Lifting restrictions on food and medicine is a good way to egin that engagement// So, again Mr. Chairma~ I commend you and the Subcommittee for holding this heariniy and allowing me to testify today ./we must remember, Mr. Chairmai, that children do not undfrstand ir politics mbargoes/But children do feel suffering/- they do feel pain. '11 say again that the Cuban people's suffering is not our faul but I think the United States has a responsibility no! to 1 make thmgs worse/we have : responsibility all over the globe/'ve met the Cuban peopl] sat down in their homes,with them/ and listene to their concerns ; I know they deserve at least that much 8 �Mr. Chairmai, our Cuba policy is 3J years old and it just hasn't worke0n fa<;7it's a complete failur7"'If our policy was a fortune 500 company/ it would have been bankrupt years ago/ No one in this room can ho.7st1y say we're hurting Castro4'he's certainly not starving/1 believe it's time for a changvl look forward to working with you and our colleagues in the Congress to bring about change in Cub) and to create a policy that finally makes a difference in Cuba where it matter~- with the people. Thank You. -30- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1319 Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley's Statement on U.S.- Cuba Policy for the Subcommittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Commmittee Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 7 May 1998 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the U.S. Economic and Trade Policy Toward Cuba. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 91 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/061e846c6a7a995a2a1738011e26c1c7.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=M%7EyWOzKd55-%7EeSwledb3fwePE08D7d6nfo9GW7-RpWpvLtMcU1WdSWEae1tD10Jsr9l0fN2jwFg3C8sS2wvzYrizBXHaeHboQBkOMChXLz98sYmRFHxB6P5QOUAY0hRFH1TgoEe1oivUl%7EqwgZy8f5Pi4bcSw5HHIBbwygiEMuFYYaxi2ND91BUO1kiVt-BwsDAYU73tZTSdQh5OgAuIrKONV905W8O49%7E%7EkBGZ5yyCOwn30LPUS4yHztTg2Pg1FAp2Zc6WnxYcbdY8rBKLEnXwCMKg%7E31tLCF1CywP7JqhPhEXYBIWOwb6NwiW5fDqa%7EkSMgxuX8rqLTfL36ZvSXQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM d847beeaca8f507041040305133a8707 PDF Text Text JOSE E SERRANO JUOICIARY q[ongress of tbe ~ntteb ~tates 13"2 ~"' ,!3,__,RN ~c1 .. SE '.)n·cE 8t.,ll01~(, 'l"/.4..H•uNG r0N DC 205 15-3216 '202' 22~361 F4X •202' l25-M01 11,ou~e of l\epre~entattbe~ masf)ington, i9£ 205\5-32\6 '.J1S'f"R1CT QF~ CE 890 GRAND co,.,.co1.,;AsE HtSPA"4tC (AtJCl. S Me "18EA. C<:NGAEss,oNAc Bt..ACJ( (.AVC'-'5 v•ce CHAI~ B•o,.,. "<'f 10,s 1-2828 11 a, MEM8E~. CONGRESS10"<AL OE.MU(:!=!Ai)C S"'EER1NG sJs-s,oc June 22, 1995 WHY FURTHER A FAILED POLICY? Dear Colleague: H.R. 927, the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act introduced by Rep. Dan Burton (R-IN), and its Senate companion, S. 381, introduced by Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC), seek to tighten and internationalize the provisions of the embargo against Cuba. The following news articles shows that this approach is flawed for several reasons. * H.R. 927 violates the sovereignty of independent nations. The extra-territorial reach of the bill, which penalizes countries that have commercial ties with Cuba, have brought protest from Canada and Mexico, among others. * H.R. 927 ignores the,recommendations of the Pentagon study. new Pentagon-commissioned study of Cuba and of U.S. policy advocates the normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations in order to prevent total economic collapse, political chaos, violence, bloodshed and suffering in Cuba. A * H.R. 927 neglects the need for a new approach. The free flow of ideas and goods is the best advertisement for both capitalism and democracy. The vindictive and inhumane approach advocated by supporters of the embargo has not worked in over 30 years and it is time to consider alternative measures to change our relationship with one of our closest neighbors. I urge you to consider the information contained in these news articles as you evaluate the U.S. policy on Cuba. ose E. Serrano Member of Congress C:M~,1 ....... EE �I Congress Move on Cuba Irks Canada and Mexico By CLYDE H. FARNSWORTH sored by Senator Jesse Helms, the TORONTO, May 22 - Canada and North Carolina Republican who Mexico have Joined forces to defeat heads the ·Foreign Relat1oos Com· proposed American legislation that mittei!, and Representative Dan would lighten the JJ.year-old trade Burton the Indiana Republican who embargo against Cuba. heads the the House Subcom mlttei! nie extra-territorial reach or the on Western Hemisphere Arfa1rs. bill which penaliies countries that Canada and Mexico mainly ob1ect ha~e commercial ties with Cuba, has to provisions that ban the import of brought the protests of the two North sugar, syrups and molasses from American Free Trade Assoc1at1on any country that buys these products partners and their unusual coopera· from Cuba, prohibit American for· lion In Washington. eign subsidiaries from having any In separate letters to members of financial dealings with Cuba. and Congress, the canadian Ambassa~r deny entry into the United States or to the United States. Raymond Oue- foreign citizens deemed to have had tien, nephew of Prime Minister Jean dealings involving property tn Cuba i Ouetlen, and the Mexican Ambassa- expropriated from Americans. . ' dor. Jesus Silva-Herzog. say the rThe Globe arid :\tall has observea measure seek.s to n!gulate what tartly that Canadian execullves their countries can and cannot do would enter the same prohibited cat· and wsm of aim~t certain retaliaegory as political militants and conl.ion. victed felons. concern Is so great in Canada that Sherrill Inc., a Fort Saskatchean all;,arty deM!'Ption of members wan, Alberta, mining company that oi Parliament i.5 about to ta.ke argurecently started producing nidr.el II\ ments again.st the bill directly to the Cuba, and Delta Ho<els and Resorts, with its nine Cuban properues, are h.all.s ol Coog ress. . "We're going to explain how thtS amoog Canadian compani~ that bill lnte.rlere:s wtth our sovereignty," could be hit by sa.ncuoos in the sald Paul ~ . en.airman of the Helms-Burton bill. St.andinl Committee on Industry of Canada and Mexico say the legisthe House of Commoos. lation violates underta.lungs ot the "lt lrt.s a lot of us in Canada, and United States under both the free we' re no< going to take it tymg trade agr~ment and the new World down," said Mr. W .1 New BrunsTrade OrganizatlOO. wick Uberal who be.ads the do!lqaBeyond the adverse efrects on pol.ion )ointly with SW Graham, a Tolitical, trade and economic relauons, ronto Ubena.l 111ho i.s chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the ComrnMS. . The bill. whkh has stront badlllg 1n J)och houses of 0Jnare$S, Ls span- A Canadian says a U.S. bill 'interferes with our sovereignty.' Ambassador Chr~tlen grumbled, the bUI "would undermine the inte-grlty of an lntem•tiaul legal syitem I which ~rve:s bo<h our countries." j By trying to rorce trade partners 10 sqliffze Cuba, the bill sets up a secondary boycott, Cantda and Mex· ico argue. But it hu lo(ig been illegal in the United States ror union members to tct against an empk>~r to get it to bring pressure oo another company. And In intern.itlonal relations the United States hu tradilJOn· ally opposed secondary boycott .situations. like Arab pressure on third countries to isolate Israel. Historically, Canada and Cuba have shared strong tra~ tk!s, and In recent years tourism has thrived as well. More than 120,000 C.9nadians head for Cuban resorts every year, accoonUng ror about a quarter or visitors from abroad. In the Central Amerlc.an-Canbbe· an region, Cuba l.s Canada's second largest trading partner after ~rto Rico. Two-way trade was around S22\ million last year, with Imports and exports almO:St In bal~. Cana· da chieny exports food product.s and imports nickel and sugar. Mexico's two-way trade was somewhat smaller at SIS! million. Mexico imported only· SI I million, mainly rum and tobacco. Exports of $150 million included oil and chemic.al products and detergfflts and soap. Pemex, the st.ate-ollll>ed Mexican oil ~ l y , has some in~tment.s in Cuban refineries. Mex.lean olficial.s also report recent Invest· ment.s in telecommunications. With it.s own S1Jgar crop, Mexico l'.as oo< bought sugar from Cuba~ 1990. But the sucar import prohibttlon raises $!TiouS concuM ror C.lnada, which annuaUy exports $500 mlllll:ln worth ol products C1J11ta.ininc sugar to the United States. Much of thl:s commerce Is from AmericJ.n.ow'ned subsidiaries like Kralt C.lnada Inc., whlch employ1 • In Cobourg, Oni.no, and makes ceruls and oelwr pecltaa,ed foods conta.lninl qar. Cuada Imports about $-40t million of Ameran products contuuna SUI· ar. So, Canadian officials point out, tnde hostilities owr ~ couJd en.se nearly SI billian ol bilateral trade and the thcma.llds ol Jobs It a,enerates. "We're noc c:halJen&lnl the right of the u.S. to Impose an embargo," said Bruno Picard, an aJde to the tanadlan Trade MlniSter, Roy Maclaren. "We share similar pis rqudtna democracy la Cuba· and a manet· oriented eccnomy. But " dlsacree on the means to ,et there. We favor more encaaement and duque, rather than • boycott" New York Times, May 23, 1995 I �Economic Liberalization of Cuba Favored in Study of U.S. Stance,·. A new Pent.agoo-commi53ion~ study o{ Cuba and cl. U.S. poljcy toward the i:sb.tid say, that cootiooed ecoocmic !ibenli:ation under the OIIPZll¥nst regime led ',y f"Jdel Castro W'OUJd came the least upbean.l il Cuban ,ociety and hz'n! fewer ~tive eoo:seque:oces fur the Uaited St.ates thm other ~tives. The $285,000 study is the wort ol U.S. and h,.san policy ~ indodi:nc ,ome who ~ ulba fl the ~ t cl. the Conner So-net Union.. It sa~ tb.ai ndial ecooomic re«m llllldel- u:stro, or his mnon.l from p.,wer through death or a ~ portai o,up, 1"0Wd Clll:'le ~ tut• moil 1l'it.!m. the Cubm umed furtt5 and cmJ. i.ul 90Ciety. This.. 111 tum, couJd ~ U.S. m.iliury int.en,ential and m unpr~ted exodus o.r Cuban immignnts to the United St.ates. the study si,-.s. -cuba is already I Ila lion in historic tnnsibllll... . . . With oir without F"idel Castro ii command. the oountr, 1t'ilJ underr> fiat.her ei:ooorruc, s,cx:w, and military tnns!onnations-pertu p, modest and incremental, perhaps sharp and sudden,. said the study' wbich has ~n circulated at the White House and on Capitol Hill. The study 1VU ~ and directed by I privite coosultJOt.. Nestor Sanche:z, 1 ·ronner CIA officiaJ ,mo sened in the Reacan admmtntioo u ~ ~ t 9ea'etaty at . . re~ ror intenutiocul security afbir,. In 1963, ClA aceit Sanches delivered a pen with a bidden ~ llll!edle to a Cooan a,esit in Paris who bad ptan.1 to .ISS1:SSiiiat.e Castro. A ,ena Pent.ap official de9aibed the study as a •crisis manarem,em ,,_. to be comide:t ed b 1191! by admmistratm md wy officia.ls in the n-ent cl. a crim in U.S.-Otban relatr.os. The new, cl. ,ome cl. its mthan oxitr.a:st both with pttv.lilinc u idl!loqy ~ r.ard Cuba md CliDtllO admini!ltntion pcicy of OlllonuiDC eonxnic pmsqre Oil the i11D1. .. 1"he ecxnni,: leffl' il Amerian 111:mda.ii (A crucial ~ . · ffl.el Andrei~ khin, pre:sidl!nt al the Center fer CCl6:t Rea. <*Jtioo in Mocow. "The Uaitted s.tates cmd Washington Post, May 19, 1995 .s. �Odd Allies Await Clinton If U.S. Shifts Cuba Policy ••• ~veral GOP Conservatives .,,. Back Easing Sanctions In Return for Reforms -'\JI The Wall Street Journal, March 16, 1995 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1306 Title A name given to the resource Dear Colleague letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley expressing concerns related to provisions in the Helms-Burton Cuban Embargo legislation (H. R. 927) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 22 June 1995 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the Helms-Burton Cuban Embargo legislation (H. R. 927) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 8 Folder 85 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive &amp; Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/db4206f3e703bca675e19443450f123a.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=J7ViShLEc1QMQE8%7ER3wcP%7EI4hBjXIlYdgAsTQ5EhBL0dmzyHCid41FONjwJp2rXWgQ%7EYMUciP0laiUz5ozcPWX%7EwEqq-VPdYCWXPRlLUyY8sE8-lwFLj6Hy-vIC47x-uKigt4Fpoj5FKu5DV793DhGEdcUpeWSB8d5jakMb4hQQHeoqhCl6a78YYjiQLn5nmaVfrG8%7ED1Jw1OWLZVNZa71OyPiP2Wd9PTIKflykKQPx6J-gk2ngEEiyjD2SwPR-9Y7IZqMfH8nAOThsI-XRiyON3qNJd5-PVoltQwRQWFK8r9XCg7uJfObSdyXm8C-8ZxcqSZ8cIIbQFoaLMqjQR6g__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM f7b1b2168ac095591d993eebcd076e72 PDF Text Text PLEASE RESPOND TO: JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEV W.A.SH1NGlON OfflC( 9TH D1STRICT, MASSACHUSETTS 235 CANNOf~ BUILDING WASHINGTON, DC 20515 COMMITIEE ON RULES 1202) 225--8273 RANKING DEMOCRATIC MEMBER FAX: 12021 22!>-3984 JOHN WEINFURTER eosrm~ OFFICE CHIE.f OF ST AfF WORLD TRADE CENTER WASHINGTON FREDERICK W. CLARK SUITE 220 Qtongress of tbe mlnitcb ~tates DISTRICT DIRECTOR BOSTON April 12, 1995 80ST0>1, MA 02210 {617) 56!>-2920 1617) 439-5460 FAX: 1617) 439-5157 Jf)ouse of 3Represcntati\Jcs Mtazbington, tJBQI: 20515-2109 Bill Clinton President of the United States The White House Washington, D.C. 20500 0 4 COURT SlREET TAUNW>I, MA 02780 {508) 824-6676 0 BROCKTON FEDERAL BUILDING 166 MAIN STREET BROCKTON, MA 02401 1508) 586-5555 Dear Mr. President: I am writing to express my very deep concern over our government's policy towards Cuba and current efforts in the Congress to make that policy more restrictive. It is my view that our policy is outdated and is only serving to prolong the reign of Fidel Castro. While I do not question the lofty motives of those in the Administration and those in the Congress who seek to tighten economic and diplomatic sanctions against Cuba, I do question the wisdom and effectiveness of such moves. we have tried for over three decades to force Mr. Castro from power by maintaining a tight economic embargo on his country. But, that embargo has failed to hasten Castro's departure and has failed to fuel the type of internal pressures to advance the democratic reforms that so many of us want to see. Instead, the embargo has encouraged and strengthened the sentiments of nationalism in Cuba, provoked an increase in immigration to the United States -- and it has provided Mr. Castro with the perfect excuse to justify the failures of his system. I strongly support members of the Cuban exile community here in the United States who have courageously and steadfastly reminded the world of Mr. Castro's atrocious record on human rights. And I have joined with them on many occasions petitioning the Cuban government on behalf of political prisoners and to urge a greater respect for human rights. The u.s. state Department's current human rights report and the 1995 Human Rights Watch Report document quite clearly the severity of the human rights situation in Cuba. From systematic harassment of political dissidents to arbitrary arrests -- the Cuban people continue to suffer. �Letter to President Clinton page 2 But other than congressional letters and moral appeals, we have little power to monitor, investigate or influence the human rights situation because we have almost no formal communications with the Cuban government. Proponents of a more hard line policy towards Cuba have argued that more sanctions and more saber-rattling will produce the necessary chaos to force Castro's retirement and thereby fix all that's wrong about Cuba. But, the way I see it, more chaos is not what Cuba or its people need. Chaos, turmoil or civil war will not necessarily mean democracy, better respect for human rights or freedom for Cuba. More chaos could mean bloodshed; it could mean strengthening Castro; it could mean replacing him with a dictator on the right; or it could mean more refugees fleeing the island for the United states. The late President Nixon, in his last book, wrote, "The plain fact is that ... the hard line against (Mr. Castro) has failed to get rid of him." The best hope for doing that, he added, is "to build pressure from within by actively stimulating Cuba's contacts with the free world." I believe our former President was exactly right. The best way for us to push for democratic reforms and impact the human rights situation in Cuba is through negotiations and economic relations. It is not by continuing a policy that has not worked for over 30 years. It is my view that democratic transitional government and democratic elections will more likely occur if the United States exposes Cubans to the id$as of democracy and free trade. Past history has demonstrated that the most efficient road to democracy is exposure not isolation. A perfect example of this is the former Soviet Union -- in which individual contact through academic exchange programs, relaxed travel restrictions and free trade promoted a legitimate democratic movement. In addition, ultimately easing trade restrictions with Cuba will provide numerous opportunities for businesses -- from Massachusetts to California -- to expand trade, increase their profits and create jobs. Currently, some of our closest allies, including Israel, Spain, Canada and Japan have active business and trade operations with Cuba -- while U.S. businesses, only 90 miles away, are limited to exploratory missions. �Letter to President Clinton page 3 If current efforts to tighten the trade restrictions are enacted in this Congress, the U.S. business community will continue to be at a disadvantage in a country that is at our doorstep. studies have shown that close to $2 billion could be gained in U.S. exports to Cuba. In addition, Cuba has an untapped market of 11 million people, as well as a highly educated work force that could easily adapt to U.S. product and service industries. I would respectfully suggest that the Administration begin the process of exploring an alternative to our current Cuban policy and commence formal negotiations with the Cuban government aimed at normalizing relations. I believe, at this late date, such a course makes the most sense for the Cuban people and for the United states. Thank you for your consideration of this matter. Sincerely, � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1305 Title A name given to the resource Letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley to President Bill Clinton expressing concern over US policy towards Cuba Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12 April 1995 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the Helms-Burton Cuban Embargo legislation (H. R. 927) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 8 Folder 85 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Clinton, Bill, 1946- Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive &amp; Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/7752c5da45d2c0b37687f225cd960296.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=q%7EsF3aq-f053UUuNMBP4Fc94QpphCEvj2G%7Ebq8yFqYAU282btlopSS6q2g8kpMc5MuD4WFP6DA8eaHTFkfohK8Z2DHuRdftGnanDjZ6U7%7EirVeUZrWE%7EklHOJTz-9iwtAcDQ8kUeGqODM6OrIYwfvVu6u77lJxBeonMtssTXPP24Wiq-jzS6g-97jDw%7EDaw9yxZD4mmaqhWUigLLrpRUcEu8HdV5keCfM%7E8pxIKX30W-l0ofN5yqmN3qfsB0-z0FPXulJ6h44acf78P9PIpJo%7EwqpAVvPQq%7E-hNoiNNUdlyGEGn7FdzErlsytGFGAuMpHcCNkmwNXO%7EitpP6iI4rIw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 32ba4af40da85b55a33674e19b3c69b5 PDF Text Text Qtitngrtssinnal United States of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE J04 th ittnrh . ' CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION ' WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 25, 1996 House of Representatives STATEMENT ON CUBA TRIP HON. JOE MOAKLEY OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, January 26, 1996 Mr. MOAKLEY . Mr. Speaker, my recent visit to Cuba has been the subject of some controversy. Some of my colleagues, who have surprisingly never even talked to me about the trip, have cynically tried to characterize my views and the trip as insensitive to human rights and pro-Castro. Mr. Speaker, that is a blatant distortion of the truth. My position on Cuba is the same as that put forth by the conference of Catholic Bishops. My position is also the same as Cuba's Catholic Cardinal, Cardinal Jaime Ortega. I might add, as well, that my position is the same as many of Cuba' s leading dissidents-including Elizardo Sanchez, Martha Beatriz Roque, Vladimiro Roca, and Rene Gomez Manzano, just to name a few. Are these people, some of whom have spent time in Cuban jails , insensitive to human rights? Are these people pro-Castro? Their position, and my position, is that we can best encourage human rights reforms and begin a transition to a more democratic Cuba through increased relations and not by more isolation. They, like me, oppose the so-called Helms-Burton bill. Mr. Speaker, I realize my public position on Cuba makes me the target of a very well-financed lobby here in the United States. But, let me say clearly and sincerely, I believe in my heart that I am advocating what is best for the courageous people who live on that island and who yearn for a day when human rights and freedoms are truly respected. MOAKLEY STATEMENT ON CUBA TRIP WASHINGTON . - Congressman Joe Moakley released the following statement from his office today on his recent trip to Cuba: "I traveled to Cuba for two basic reasons-first, to try to create an atmosphere in which relations between the U.S. and Cuba could be improved; and, second, to find ways to support ordinary Cuban people. My trip was hosted by the ABC Forum on Cuba, a non-profit organization dedicated to educating U.S. citizens on issues related to Cuba and to supporting the activities of NGO's promoting human rights and helping ~he Cuban people. Our delegation consisted of 23 participants ranging from business leaders to NGO's like the Boston-based Oxfam America. I met with a variety of people while in Cuba-including top Cuban government officials, church leaders, dissidents, NGO's, foreign diplomats, U.S. officials. I even had the chance to visit a small group of farmers who are working with Oxfam on a project to increase agriculture production for sale on the open market. These farmers and all the ordinary people I had the chance to meet, were excited to talk with our delegation and candid about their hopes for closer ties with people in the United States. In addition, my aide Jim McGovern and I had a 2 hour private meeting with Cuban President Fidel Castro. After which, the Cuban leader met with our entire group for another 2 hour session. I told President Castro that we are at a crossroads in terms of U .S.-Cuba relations, the United States Congress is nearing final action on the so-called Helms-Burton Bill which, if signed into law, will strengthen the current economic embargo and end any possibility for improved relations anytime in the near future. I told President Castro that there must be more movement in Cuba with regard to human rights and econoic reformsand urge him to act now. He seemed responsive and pledged to give my request very serious and immediate consideration. We also had an excellent meeting with Jamie Cardinal Ortega-the Roman Catholic Cardinal in Cuba. His Eminemco told us that the official position of the Cathlic Bishops was against the US embargo for humanitarian reasons. He also was very clear about his continued concerns regarding human rights abuses that currently exist in Cuba. On a related matter, I raised with the Cuban leadership my hope that they would invite Pope John Paul II to visit Cuba during his visit to the Caribbean later this year. My trip began and ended with important meetings with Cuban dissident groups . While these people suggested that the difficulties in Cuba run much deeper than the economic hardships, a majority of those we met expressed opposition to the Helms-Burton legislation. One of the things that stunned me the most about my trip is the explosion of independent entrepreneurship. There are roughly 208,000 independent family businesses operating in Cuba. This entrepreneurship is allowing people greater personal freedom from government controls. When people are no longer dependent on the government for their jobs, they are freer from economic coercion. I got the sense that the Cuban government recognizes that these small businesses are necessary for the country's economic viability and are accepting the political space that they create. In fact, Caritas (a Catholic charitable organization in Havana) described its plans to establish training programs to help these fledgling businesses succeed. Michael Ryan, President of ABC Forum on Cuba, which organized the trip said: "It was great to see our group get excited about helping support the �Cuban people, particularly in their efforts to form small busineses and independent NGOs. A number of our participants expressed a..real desire to support these efforts after we concluded · · ' our trip." · The European Union is about to hold talks with the Cubans on closer economic ties-and is using this opportunity to urge the Cuban government to improve its human rights record. The United States could have ten times more leverage with Cuba than the Europeans if we got serious about improving relations. Right now the embargo leaves us completely out of the picture. I'm afraid if we let Helms-Burton become law, we will lose an important opportunity to improve the situation in Cuba. Of all the meetings I had, there was consensus on one thing-that the future of Cuba will be decided by Cubans on the island. The degree to which we can encourage positive change will depend on whether or not we defeat Helms-Burton. [From the Boston Globe, Jan. 23, 1996] OUR BAN IN HAY ANA (By H.D.S. Greenway) HAVANA.-"Socialismo O Muerte"-Socialism or Death-say the graffiti scrawled on the walls of this once grand, now crumbly Caribbean capital. But as communists the world over have found, their "socialism" means a death of sorts: stagnation and decline, a slow demise of ambition and incentive and the equality of shared poverty. There are only five countries left that call themselves communist: China and.its three abutters in Asia-North Korea, Vietnam and Laos-and then Cuba. In all, to varying degrees, the communist leaders recognize the inadequacy of their economic system, but all want to cling to political power. With some justification they can point to the death of their great progenitor, the Soviet Union, as an example of w)lat can happen when the reins of political powe.r are suddenly dropped. In short, they want to eat the cake of capitalism without ingesting political freedoms. All the ambiguities of this approach are evident in Fidel Castro, the last of the founding fathers of postwar communism. All the others-Mao Zedong, Kim D Sung, Ho Chi Minh-are dead, but Fidel remains. To some, America's most enduring bete noire is a Latin David to our gringo Goliath; to others he is an · irredeemable tyrant. Nine US presidents have tried to do him in-by invasion, assassination, economic embargo-but he lives on "to remind us of our failures," as US Rep. J. Joseph Moakley put it. For 30 years Castro had a free ride, strutting the world's stage as a symbol of independence to a world emerging from colonialism but in fact a kept man, his bills paid by the S,oviet Union. After the demise of his patron, Castro and his economy went into a free fall, bottoming out in 1993. In desperation, Castro and his lieutenants ·have planted the first, few seeds of a free-market economy here. The Yankee dollar is now a legal currency in Cuba alongside the peso. Joint ventures with foreigners are beginning to bear fruit, especially in the tourist industry. Some 208,000 Cubans are permitted to work in the private sector, but the state still remains supreme, and a gulf is widening between those who work in the dollar economy and those left behind in a land of unconvertible peace. Small, private restaurants called "paladares" are springing up in people's homes, but the law allows no more than a dozen tables, and all the cooks and waiters must be family members because it is still illegal for one Cuban to hire another . Thus is entrepreneurship on the one hand encouraged while the other hand suppresses it. Last week Moakley led a delegation of inquiry here of which I was a member. We talked to Castro, aging now but still in command. He is trying to probe for weak spots in the mortar of the embargo that the.United States has imposed. Moakley, in turn, was trying to squeeze human rights concessions from Castro, concessio~s that Moakley could use back in Washing- ton to defeat the Helms-Burton bill, sponsored by Sen. Jesse Helms of North Carolina and U.S. Rep. Dan Burton of Indiana, which would put even more restrictions on doing business with Cuba. It seemed .evident in conversations with Castro and his ministers that Cuba isn't going back on the meager reforms they have instigated. Castro said the changes are irreversible. But Cuba's leaders are afraid of moving forward too fast. Castro and his lieutenants appear to have no clear vision but are marking policy up as they go along. Listening to Castro-his famous beard now gone gray-I was struck by how much the world had changed and how much Fidel has been bypassed since the heady revolutionary days of 30 years ago. Fidel Castro no longer presents the United States with the mortal threat of Russian missiles 90 miles offshore. His expeditionary forces no longer rampage through Africa, spreading socialismo and death. Nor are his agents stirring up trouble in the hemisphere. Che Guevara and the revolution he represented lie in an unmarked Bolivian grave. In an era when the United States is helping North Korea with nuclear power, scrambling for investment in China and no longer involved with embargoing Vietnam, the present restrictions on trade with Cuba seem somewhat anachronistic. Castro may have suffered from the U.S. embargo, but he has also benefited enormously by having someone other than himself to blame for Cuba's economic inadequacies, able to wrap himself in the nationist flag against the big bully of the North. In the long run, communism in Cuba is doomed. Both the United States and Cuba have a convergences of interest in seeing that the transition is smooth and the landing is soft. A breakdown of order on the island would bring another vast armada of Cubans fleeing to our shores, and that wm1ld be destabilizing to both countries. The best way to ensure a soft landing is to defeat counterproductive legislation such as the Helms-Burton "Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act,'' which would threaten our allies that do business in Cuba and tie even more restrictions on the present embargo. The bill will not help Cuba's transition to a market economy and could only retard the very forces of freedom and openness the United States wishes to encourage. The embargo is strict enough without additional baggage and should be used as a bargaining chip to nudge Cuba into the democratic and human rights reforms that will one day set its people free . HAVANA, January 19.-Cuban dissidents have met a visiting U.S. congressman in public, the first time in years such a meeting has taken without interference from the authorities, one of the dissidents said on Friday. Elizardo Sanchez told Reuters he and other dissidents met visiting Democratic Representative Joe Moakley of Massachusetts for several hours in the state-owned Hotel Nacional. Sanchez, leader of the Cuban Committee for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, said he was surprised the dissidents had been able to hold a meeting in public without problems. Meetings with members of Cuba's small and illegal opposition groups generally take place in dissidents' homes or foreign embassies. "We are not bothered (by officials) either entering or leaving (the hotel)," Sanchez said, adding that the group discussed issues such as proposals in Congress to toughen the longstanding U.S. embargo against communist-ruled Cuba. Moakley, who also met the dissidents on Tuesday at the house of the senior U.S. diplomat in Cuba Joseph Sullivan, is on a fact-finding mision that included talks with President Fidel Castro on Wednesday night. Moakley said on Thursday he found Castro flexible on the congressman's suggestion that if there were some change on the island it might help defeat moves to toughen the embargo. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1294 Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley's Statement on Cuba Trip in the Congressional Record Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 25 January 1996 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the planning of a Congressional trip to Cuba in 1996. The group held a conference called US-Cuba: A New England Perspective. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 99 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/5c9c6c1e62b109dbc224d8842ac81bcf.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=aahZQ2i6uAjst9U9eInUPWxRk9vzURD-gDdGyxl19FeWk6elydx4IgJRc%7EL-VKmqS-2%7EQUGOyLLYGTfDDheQAWlu1DZo%7EPPvx22NzwPtTY4eQZqZsWa6EgwtFlF-mzjX0F9dwCzqyUTvgGHmh43pVO0GocrkOxduT33PYXjKEjKr4Fxv3N-RXk14RWzuvhblYC7NwN7VyojGCAgZFxFkv8-JqgDf6zE67dGHusnW0qbEsuvT2iSYNxgvN7qnLAyQggjPfZjwVhri26nDdWG1fNwQLuqX3cPT1nVJRyTQpyoDGp9F9I0WnbEsbTiulKAN9YBIrshT6Tp-h6CYXOWw2w__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM cfa081d953e663cbd83a6a00678ae532 PDF Text Text FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE January 19, 1996 CONTACT: Karin Walser w:202-225-7300 h:202-232-6550 Jim McGovern w:202-225-8273 h:202-546-8933 Mike Ryan (ABC Forum on Cuba) h:202-543-3210 MOAKLEY STATEMENT ON CUBA TRIP WASHINGTON -- Congressman Joe Moakley released the following statement from his office today on his recent trip to Cuba: "I traveled to Cuba for two basic reasons --- first, to try to create an atmosphere in which relations between the US and Cuba could be improved; and, second, to find ways to support ordinary Cuban people. My trip was hosted by the ABC Forum on Cuba, a non-profit organization dedicated to educating US citizens on issues related to Cuba and to supporting the activities of NGO's promoting human rights and helping the Cuban people. Our delegation consisted of 23 participants ranging from business leaders to NGO's like the Boston-based Oxfam America. I met with a variety of people while in Cuba -- including top Cuban government officials, church leaders, dissidents, NGO's, foreign diplomats, US officials. I even had the chance to visit a small group of farmers who are working with Oxfam on a project to increase agriculture production for sale on the open market. These farmers and all the ordinary people I had the chance to meet, were excited to talk with our delegation and candid about their hopes for closer ties with people in the United States. In addition, my aide Jim McGovern and I had a 2 hour private meeting with Cuban President Fidel Castro. Afterwhich, the Cuban leader met with our entire group for another 2 hour session. I told President Castro that we are at a crossroads in terms of USCuba relations. The United States Congress is nearing final action on the so-called Helms-Burton Bill which, if signed into Joe Moakley, U.S. House of Representatives, Room 235, Cannon Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515, 202-225-7300 ~ · �Moakley release page 2 law, will strengthen the current economic embargo and end any possibility for improved relations anytime in the near future. I told President Castro that there must be more movement in Cuba with regard to human rights and economic reforms -- and urged him to act now. He seemed responsive and pledged to give my request very serious and immediate consideration. We also had an excellent meeting with Jamie Cardinal Ortega the Roman Catholic Cardinal in Cuba. His Eminence told us that the official position of the Catholic Bishops was against the US embargo for humanitarian reasons. He also was very clear about his continued concerns regarding human rights abuses that currently exist in Cuba. On a related matter, I raised with the Cuban leadership my hope that they would invite Pope John Paul II to visit Cuba during his visit to the Caribbean later this year. My trip began and ended with important meetings with Cuban dissident groups. While these people suggested that the difficulties in Cuba run much deeper than the economic hardships, a majority of those we met expressed opposition to the HelmsBurton legislation. One of the things that stunned me the most about my trip is the explosion of independent entrepreneurship. There are roughly 208,000 independent family businesses operating in Cuba. This entrepreneurship is allowing people greater personal freedom from government controls. When people are no longer dependent on the government for their jobs, they are freer from economic coercion. I got the sense that the Cuban government recognizes that these small businesses are necessary for the country's economic viability and are accepting the political space that they create. In fact, Caritas (a Catholic charitable organization in Havana) described its plans to establish training programs to help these fledgling businesses succeed. Michael Ryan, President of ABC Forum on Cuba, which organized the trip said: "It was great to see our group get excited about helping support the Cuban people, particularly in their efforts to form small businesses and independent NGOs. A number of our participants expressed a real desire to support these efforts after we concluded our trip." The European Union is about to hold talks with the Cubans on closer economic ties -- and is using this opportunity to urge the Cuban government to improve its human rights record. The United States could have ten times more leverage with Cuba than the �Moakley release page 3 Europeans if we got serious about improving relations. Right now the embargo leaves us completely out of the picture. I'm afraid if we let Helms-Burton become law, we will lose an important opportunity to improve the situation in Cuba. Of all the meetings I had, there was consensus on one thing -- that the future of Cuba will be decided by Cubans on the island. The degree to which we can encourage positive change will depend on whether or not we defeat Helms-Burton. -30- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1291 Title A name given to the resource Press release regarding Congressman John Joseph Moakley's statement on the 1996 Cuba trip Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 19 January 1996 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource This is part of a series of documents related to the planning of a Congressional trip to Cuba in 1996. The group held a conference called US-Cuba: A New England Perspective. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.06 Legislative Assistants' Files: Stephen LaRose, Box 9 Folder 99 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States--Foreign Relations--Cuba Cuba Cuba -- Foreign relations -- United States. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Cuba https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/25ad2fbb2a1a7fa09126370d44bb39fa.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=kUPmyIJq48ZtEPHhTxcnkDy3FynrQrTs11%7E8yPNJJhAKgtBjzqodnQt2rPd7zTvGRPDkwc0VNqhVngeOu8kgvOWCdl0BHoUHbdG2uLgMxcwbb3pmlmSuy0i%7E6zUq%7EapeStTw5w15zRTSq-NXZ1oF6KODOI0gwTGHgDahL6USdySOyiXRY41kmQ0WA6dyJLeW7iXwDxSV6FT4cUQqVr6x8Za4zeg7xspBhzywvULvXiLkKH1v%7EsOTCOEESiAsupHi8Il-gc9sIxMvTnrxM5%7EHChf%7EG4mhFJRW%7EEK-7-ZYoDvxEvT8bqz8kU8aSQJ17ryj15-WELPAgAMwjLVh3y9Pmg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM f3befba7708a9cdf546bc79fba1d216a PDF Text Text Speech by Congressman Joe Moakley (D-MA) Opening Day Rules Package January 3, 200~ THANK YOU AND HAPPY NEW YEAR, M SPEAKER. M SPEAKER, LAST FALL'S ELECTION WAS A RECORD BREAKER, VOTES FOR EVERYTHING FROM PRESIDENT DOWN TO STATE LEGISLATORS WERE CLOSER THAN EVER BEFORE. IF THE VOTERS TOLD US ANYTHING ON NOVEMBER 7TH, IT WAS TO WORK TOGETHER. THE ONLY MANDATE THIS CONGRESS AND THE WHITE HOUSE HAVE IS TO PUT ASIDE OUR DIFFERENCES AND GET THINGS DONE. BUT, M SPEAKER, THAT MANDATE OF COOPERATION IS NOT REFLECTED IN THIS REPUBLICAN RULES PACKAGE. THIS RULES PACKAGE SKEWS COMMITTEE RATIOS SO MUCH IN FAVOR OF THE REPUBLICANS YOU WOULD THINK THEY HAD WON BY A LANDSLIDE WHILE IN FACT, M SPEAKER, THEIR MAJORITY IN THE HOUSE IS LESS THAN 2°/o. MANY AMERICANS BELIEVE THAT IF THE REPUBLICANS IN CONGRESS HAVE BARELY MORE THAN 50o/o OF THE SEATS, THE REPUBLICANS SHOULD GET NO MORE THAN 51 °/o OF THE COMMITTEE SLOTS AND RESOURCES. ONE LOOK AT THIS RULES PACKAGE SHOWS THAT IS NOT THE CASE. -1- �M SPEAKER, I ASK UNANIMOUS CONSENT TO INSERT 2 CHARTS IN THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD DETAILING THE SKEWED COMMITTEE RATIOS. LAST CONGRESS, WHEN THEY WERE ENTITLED TO 51 °/o OF THE SEATS, MY REPUBLICAN COLLEAGUES TOOK 59°/o OF THE SEATS ON WAYS AND MEANS, THEY TOOK 57%, OF THE SEATS ON JUDICIARY, AND THEY TOOK ALMOST 56°/o OF THE SEATS ON THE BUDGET COMMITTEE. M SPEAKER, IN ADDITION TO BEING UNFAIR, THOSE COMMITTEE RATIOS DENIED MILLIONS OF AMERICANS THEIR RIGHT TO REPRESENTATION ON CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES. AND, MY REPUBLICAN COLLEAGUES ARE ABOUT TO DO IT AGAIN THIS CONGRESS, WHEN THEIR MAJORITY IS EVEN SLIMMER. LET ME PUT IT THIS WAY, MR. SPEAKER: IF THE RATIOS ON THE COMMITTEES WERE TO REFLECT THE RA TIO IN THE HOUSE THIS CONGRESS, 58 MORE DEMOCRATIC DISTRICTS WOULD HAVE THEIR REPRESENTATIVES SEATED AT THE COMMITTEE TABLES. -2- �EVEN MY DEAR FRIEND, MY CHAIRMAN, MR. DREIER, SIGNED A JOINT COMMITTEE REPORT SAYING THAT "COMMITTEE SEATS SHOULD BE ALLOCATED TO REFLECT THE OVERALL RATIO" IN THE HOUSE. UP UNTIL 6 YEARS AGO, MY REPUBLICAN COLLEAGUES REGULARLY INCLUDED REQUIREMENTS FOR FAIR COMMITTEE RATIOS IN THEIR RULES PACKAGES. THAT IS, M SPEAKER, UNTIL THEY WERE IN THE MAJORITY. AND, M SPEAKER, WHILE MILLIONS OF AMERICANS WILL LOSE THEIR VOICE IN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES, MILLIONS MORE LOST THEIR VOICES DURING THIS ELECTION. PERHAPS MORE IMPORTANT THAN ANYTHING ELSE WE DO IN WASHINGTON WILL BE RESTORING AMERICANS' CONFIDENCE IN THE ELECTION PROCESS. BUT, M SPEAKER, THAT TOO IS MISSING FROM THIS REPUBLICAN RULES PACKAGE. NOWHERE IS THERE A MENTION OF WHAT HAPPENED DURING THIS PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. NOWHERE IS THERE A CALL ON CONGRESS TO FIX OUR FLAWED ELECTION PROCESS. NOWHERE IS THERE A RECOGNITION OF THE URGENT NEED TO RESTORE PEOPLE'S CONFIDENCE IN AMERICAN ELECTIONS. -3- �M SPEAKER, IN JUST 3 DAYS, A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS WILL COUNT THE VOTES OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS AND DECLARE THE WINNER OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. MILLIONS OF AMERICANS ARE QUESTIONING OUR ELECTIONS AND DEMANDING ACTION AND, M SPEAKER, THIS RULES PACKAGE FAILS TO TAKE ANY ACTION ON THEIR BEHALF. THAT IS WHY, M SPEAKER, I AM URGING MY COLLEAGUES TO SUPPORT THE DEMOCRATIC RULES PACKAGE. OUR RULES PACKAGE INCLUDES THE REPUBLICAN PROPOSALS FOR COMMITTEE RATIOS FROM THE 102N° AND 103RD CONGRESSES. OUR RULES PACKAGE ALSO TAKES STEPS TO REFORM OUR ELECTION PROCESS. IT GIVES THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE UNTIL MARCH 1 TO RECOMMEND WAYS TO ENSURE THAT ALL ELIGIBLE AMERICANS WHO VOTE SHALL HAVE THEIR VOTES COUNTED -- ESPECIALLY OUR MILITARY PERSONNEL WHO VOTE BY ABSENTEE BALLOTS. M SPEAKER, EVEN THOUGH THE NEXT SET OF FEDERAL ELECTIONS IS 2 YEARS OFF, WE NEED TO GET STARTED RIGHT AWAY MAKING SURE EVERYONE'S VOTE IS COUNTED AND COUNTED FAIRLY. FAIR ELECTIONS ARE THE FOUNDATION ON WHICH OUR DEMOCRACY IS BUILT AND THERE IS NOTHING -4- �THE GROWING DISPARITY IN COMMITTEE SLOTS UNDER REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP 51 . DEMOCRATIC I 49 I MAJORITY MAJORITY , • I - / 47 I I . 45 . ~ " 431 41 I 39 I 37 ·' /I - II\\ 1/ - \ \ - • f A ::ia... ~ , -,,., ~ I - .. 11 I I I I -+----+-~~~_..__,_~~~~~~~~~~~~---~~~~~~--1 35 ......----....,------------------~---,-----~---~----,---..---------------,--~ 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 CONGRESS •MINORITY PARTY HOUSE SEATS 0/o -MINORITY PARTY COMMITTEE SLOTS 0/o �January 3, 2001 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE have votes on matters of important questions. You have also done some other things. You have continued to constrain the minority in its ability to write reports critical of what they conceive to be wrongdoing or failures in legislation by saying to it that only 2 days will exist for the minority to come forward with complaints with the content of legislation. Is this the kind of good will? Is this the kind of cooperation, conciliation, and is it the kind of action that we are hearing when we are talking about having compromise and cooperation and bipartisanship? I think not. If we are to work together, and I would remind my colleagues on the majority side, there are only a few seats' difference between the Members on this side and on the other side. If you want to have a President who was elected by the narrowest margin in history and whose tenure as a legitimate President is, in fact, open to question because of the curious manipulations of the Supreme Court and because of the way in which the election in Florida was conducted and counted and handled to succeed and to be able to talk about bipartisanship and cooperation, this is not the way that you begin the affairs of this Congress. I did not intend to make an angry speech, and I would like my colleagues to know this is not an angry speech. This is a speech of sorrow and sadness because the majority is throwing away the good will that they are going to need to have a bipartisan Congress run with cooperation, conciliation, and compromise which the American people both need and want. Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 21/2 minutes to the gentleman from Delaware (Mr. CASTLE). Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask some questions, perhaps in the form of a colloquy, of the chairman of the Committee on Rules about the changes which we are facing between committees. I am a member of the Banking Committee and the details elude me. First about the insurance question. In establishing the question on financial services, this resolution :1.dds a term, and I quote, "insurance 5enerally" to the jurisdiction of that committee. However, no such jurisdiction existed in rule X in the 106th Con~Tess. Can you describe for me what the term "insurance generally" is intended to convey? D 1500 Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, will the ~entleman yield? Mr. CASTLE. I yield to the gen~leman from California. Mr. DREIER. Let me say, and I ~hank the gentleman for his question, natters relating to insurance generally 1.re intended to include matters, for ex- that are financial in nature or incidental to a financial activity; the national treatment of insurance companies, auto insurance, life insurance and property and casualty insurance. However, as I mentioned previously in my statement, existing health insurance jurisdiction is not transferred as a result of this change. Furthermore, the existing jurisdiction of other committees with respect to matters relating to crop insurance, worker's compensation, insurance antitrust matters, veterans' life and health insurance and national social security are not affected by this change. Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, let me ask next about some securities issues. Regarding securities and exchanges, does the transfer of this jurisdiction to the Committee on Financial Services include underwriting, dealing, and market making? Mr. DREIER. Yes, that is correct. Mr. CASTLE. Another question. Does it include accounting standards applicable to capital raising under applicable securities laws and the Securities Act of 1933? Mr. DREIER. Once again, the gentleman is correct. Mr. CASTLE. Does it include exchanges, investment companies, and investment advisors? Mr. DREIER. Yes, that is correct. Mr. CASTLE. Does it include jurisdiction over the Public Utilities Holding Company Act? Mr. DREIER. As I mentioned previously in my statement, this change is not intended to convey to the Committee on Financial Services jurisdiction over matters relating to regulation and SEC oversight of multistate public utility holding companies and their subsidiaries which remain essentially matters of energy policy. Mr. CASTLE. I thank the gentleman very much for clarification on these issues. Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. HOYER), the co-chair of the Democratic Steering Committee and the ranking member on the Committee on House Administration. Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, as all of us know, this House is now divided by its narrowest margin since the 83rd Congress when Republicans held 221 seats and Democrats 213. Today, our Republican friends hold a bare five-seat majority, 221 to 212. Thus, if we are to accomplish anything, bipartisanship, as President-elect Bush talked ad nauseam about in the campaign, is a sine qua non. It cannot be mere rhetorical window dressing. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, I regret to say the first day of the 107th Congress we have missed an opportunity to demonstrate our commitment to bipar- H13 and the committee slots available to its Members elected by the American public, Republicans and Democrats, to represent them. Simply put, there are not enough committee slots available to the minority party, which now controls 49 percent of this body. Nevertheless, the allocation of committee slots has remained unchanged, 55 percent for the majority, 45 percent for the minority. Now let me call attention to this chart. It is probably a little difficult to understand, but what it tracks is minority representation, not majority; whether Democrats were in the majority or Republicans were in the majority. One will note, up to the 104th Congress, when Democrats were in control, the percentage of committee slots allocated and the percentages in the House tracked one another. One will note that when the minority got more slots in the House, they went up. When they got less, they went down. The point is, it was fair. It was representative and it gave to minority members the opportunity to do what they said they wanted to do, represent Americans. Now I would call the attention of my colleagues, and I would hope the former governor of Delaware, who is one of the fairest members in this House, would look at this stark contrast; and I would say here is the 104th Congress, the 105th, the 106th, the 107th. One will note that the minority line has been flat lined, notwithstanding the fact that we have picked up in each of the last four elections additional seats and made the difference between the majority and minority parties smaller; but the line has not changed. The majority line has gone up in terms of their percentage, and the variance. That is not fair. It is also, I would say to the chairman of the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from California (Mr. DREIER), contrary to his representations when he was in the minority. In my calculations, we would need an additional 64 seats in order for us to be allocated the number of seats that we are entitled to as a result of our percentage in the minority. What is being done is contrary to the rhetoric. It will not further bipartisanship, and I would ask that that be corrected as we move ahead in the next few days. Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Thibodaux, Louisiana (Mr. TAUZIN). Mr. TAUZIN. Mr. Speaker, let me first acknowledge, as did the ranking minority member of the Committee on Commerce, our extraordinary disappointment in the jurisdictional transfer from the Committee on Commerce to this new Committee on Financial Services. It is important, as the chairman has said. to know. how- �RATIOS Last Congress Republicans Democrats 223 212 51.3% Agriculture 27-24 53% Appropriations 34-27 55.7% (+4.4% instead of +2.2%) Armed Services 32-28 53.3% (+2% instead of 1.2%) Banking 32-28 53.3% (+2% instead of 1.3%) Budget 24-19 55.8% (+4.3% instead of 1%) Commerce 29-24 54.7% (+3.4% instead of 1.9%) Education 27-22 55.1% (+3.8% instead of 5.5%) Government Reform 24-20 54.5% (+3.2% instead of +3.3%) (+ 1.7% instead of .9%) House Administration 6-3 66.7% (+15.4% instead of3.6%) International Relations 26-23 53.1% (+1.8% instead of .5%) Judiciary 21-16 56.8% (+5.5% instead of .5%) Resources 28-24 53.8% (+2.5 instead of 5.5%) Rules 9-4 69.1% (+17.9% instead of 9.5%) Science 25-22 53.2% (+1.9% instead of .5%) Small Business 19-17 52.8% (+1.5% instead of .5%) Transportation 41-34 54.7% (+2.4% instead of 3%) Veterans 17-14 54.8% (+3.6% instead of .5%) Ways and Means 23-16 59% (+7.7% instead of 3.5%) 18 . Committees 1999 Republicans took a greater share than 1993 Democrats. 14 where . 4 where l 993Democrats took a greater share from 1999 Republicans. . 15 of 18 committees in 1999 exceed 2% over House %. • 8 of 18 committees in 1993 exceed 2% over House % . �RATIOS 1993-994 Democrats Republicans 259 176 59.5% Agriculture 29-19 60.4% (+.9%) Appropriations 37-23 61.7% (+2.2%) Armed Services 34-22 60.7% (1.2%) Banking 31-20 60.8% (+1.3%) Budget 26-17 60.5% (+ 1.0%) Education 28-15 65% Energy and Commerce 27-17 61.4% (+1.9%) Foreign Affairs 27-18 60% Government Operations 27-16 62.8% (+3.3%) House Administration 12-7 63.1% (+3.6%) Judiciary 21-14 60% (+.5%) "N"aturalResources 28-15 65% (+5.5%) Rules 9-4 69% (+9.5%) Science 33-22 60% (+.5%) Small Business 27-18 60% (+.5%) Transportation 40-24 62.5% (+3%) Veterans 21-14 60% (+.5%) Ways and Means 24-14 63% (+3.5%) Under 2% overage Over2% overage 10 8 (+5.5%) (+.5%) �W fa11 ·1 IN Io L- Aff/or co,w0 If Republicans, with a 51.3% majority in the House, maintain the same committees at the same size they were in the 1061h Congress but used a committee ratio reflecting the ratio in the House (and keep all Republicans currently on each committee), the following numbers of additional Democrats would have committee seats: ADDED DEMOCRATIC SEATS COMMITTEE NEW RATIO Agriculture 27-26 + 2 Democrats Appropriations 34-33 +6 Democrats Armed Services 32-31 + 3 Democrats Banking 32-31 + 3 Democrats Budget 24-23 +4 Democrats Commerce 29-28 +4 Democrats Education 27-26 +4 Democrats Government Reform 24-23 +4 Democrats House Administration 6-5 + 2 Democrats International Relations 26-25 +2 Democrats Judiciary 21-20 +4 Democrats Resources 28-27 + 3 Democrats Science 25-24 + 2 Democrats Small Business 19-18 +1 Democrat Transportation 41-40 +6 Democrats Veterans 17-16 + 2 Democrats Ways and Means 23-22 +6 Democrats s! ~ �House Committee Party Ratios 106thC ss 101S1 Mouse Memoers Total Committee Seats DJfferenceln D lstrlbutlon of seats Members Percent Percentage IUI.AI ""'-All 1.11an NlaJornv (Rl Mtnorltv (D) MaJorl~ (R) Mlnorltv (DJ maemncent ,w,:, ~~;:ii l~ :, l •.ia> ~11 4U.:»l 1 835 83 458 375 54.BS 44.91 51 3 7 27 34 24 52.94 65.74 4 5 5 32 32 5. 29 19 24 5 5 3 3 5 4 27 22 55.10 24 19 64.55 6 a 66.67 47.06 44.26 46.67 45.00 44.19 45.28 44.90 43.18 33.33 5 3 % Commfttee m1.Jarlty % House maforltv 2 3.59 1 1.68 4.,47 2.07 2.07 Committee Aarlcullura atfons Armed Serdces Banklna & Financial SiJrvices . ~ ; Budaet -Cmrmmce 61 60 60 43 53 49 44 Education & the Workforce Govemmsn I Reform House Adm lnlslrat1011 lnlematfcnal RelsWons JudJclsrv Resources I 9 49 37 62 Rutes Sc.'ence Sma/J Buslr1ess Smndaros of Qffk{al Conduct Tnmsoortation & Jnfrastructu.ra Veterans' Arratrs Wavs & Me,ans Permanent Seled on Jnte/Naence 13 47 36 10 75 2 0 7 24 27 53.33 53.33 ss.a1 54.72 26 23 53.06 21 16 56.76 28 24 53.SS 9 4 25 22 17 69.23 53.19 52.78 19 5 41 31 3 17 39 7 16 2 23 9 Source for data ara CofigrtJsslan.11 Ysrtow Book, and VJ!al Sttrl#sttcs on Congress, 1999-2000.. Delsgales and Aesklenl Commissioner are lnclu:ie<I In 'he oorrmltlae tallos. For consJsr.snct, WlCanclas are C04.lnled h overa11 tctal and pa~ lclals. Pe,centa~as wara calc:ulated by oorrput•r, and reftact roun:llng. In aome fmtanoes, publlshed source may lndlcala unfilled vacency. Rafios do oot re41Ed Jl0$l·alection reslgnalions. 27 28 5 34 14 16 7 60.00 54.67 64.84 68.97 56.25 46.94 43.24 46.15 30.77 46.81 47.22 50.00 45.33 45.16 41.03 43.76 4.55 3.45 3.84 1 3.28 15.40 1.60 5.49 2.58 17.97 1.93 1.51 -1.26 3.40 3.57 7.71 4.99 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Speech by Congressman John Joseph Moakley (D-MA) on the Opening Day Rules Package Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 03 January 2001 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 08.01 Speeches: Congressional Speeches, Box 7 Folder 462 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf?la=en&amp;hash=97CD508C4A7F337052ABBE22F85910A0E44681B1">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright Suffolk University. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Type The nature or genre of the resource Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Congress United States --Congress-- House--Committee on Rules Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1281 Rules Committee https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/da55987a0f5d852adcc659085bada1fa.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=J0BziNgL7cQJaiYLHeXMHIZkTS1FGEMtUBGaJ0Lz1p6KqkV5cHkQ3XYsA5basGfeI%7EYYTa-Aca8t7UE23flQr8fBtlNhxg-Q2nJQIXhX%7EnOaIx5udrF9C7H9EQ88QZLpo2DyoYvDBtJ2IvjWtg4d5pXAoEgTv3n-XRCgBzboAF3z0K5Hp4vNrdYXxT9jVLnwehE3te3uFIQV8TndEWqtOnJ9WFAsRciqPDPTGTIYEa4C1c6mGH-Dm6zkjwuOnmXKCA-HcLUCfFFAjdc-BppEcXhE4nJU7g7fU0Gu5NrQk7QljinXM9CCTpa2auEqqAm2LZn3QKdtBG-gblQvAjK5jQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM f3c0d833350d3e168fa986a330e8a8c1 PDF Text Text REMARKS OF CONGRESSMAN JOE MOAKLEY BEFORE THE 6th ANNUAL FALL MEETING GoVERNMENT REGULATION AND COMPETITION DEPARTMENT NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS Monday, September 12th, 1983 I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this forum and I commend the Association for the speed with which it has acted to afford the members of this committee with an opportunity to weigh the impact of the three recent Supreme Court decisions which nullify the legislative veto. Particularly in recent years, the veto has been viewed by Congress and by the business community as an important tool in keeping the regulatory process accountable. And I think it is important that both Congress and thed business community respond cautiously to the present challenge. BACKGROUND The sweeping Supreme Court decision in the matter of Immigration and Naturalization Service -v- Chadha appeared, on first reading, to invalidate all forms of the legislative veto. And the summary decisions in the subsequent rulings on the vetoes applicable to the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the Federal Trade Commission certainly tend to confirm the broadest reading of Chadha. But the ruling deals with a matter so focused at the inner subtleties - 1 - �of relations between the executive and legislative branches, that it is hardly surprising that much public, official, and media discussion has substantially distorted both the significance and the effect of the decision. In some respects, the Chadha decision means a good deal more than has been recognized yet and, in others, may mean a good deal less. Use of the veto Although my position has been characterized in opposition to the legislative veto, I think it is very important to understand that no one is really an opponent of the veto. Members of Congress have simply had honest differ- ences on how and where it should be applied. Every President since Herbert Hoover has argued that the veto is unconstitutional, yet each of them has proposed a veto at one point or another. The former chairman of the Committee on Rules, Congressman Bolling, was charged last year with killing the veto, but he is the author of the model for all modern vetoes, the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974. The question for Members has been the application of the veto in particular contexts. And I suspect that nearly every Member has voted both for and against the concept. So the Supreme Court decision should delight no one. Certainly, the decision is a significant one and will force some very fundamental changes in the manner in which our government operates. But assertions that the decision strikes a devastating blow to the Congress as regards its power relative to the President misgauges the lonq range effects • - 2 - �of the way Congress will handle this new balance in future leqislation. But it also misjudges even the immediate consequences of what the decision really means with respect to about 300 statutes touched by it. The legislative veto has been in use for over 50 years and both Congress and the President have found the device convenient. Typically the way the device has come into being is that Congress and the President reach an agreement that the executive will be granted a specific power, which would not exist except for the enactment of the law, and Congress ties a limitation to that delegation -- that the executive decision will be subject congressional nullification. It is important to note that the legislative record is rather clear that all Administrations, notwithstanding their official posture of opposition to the veto, have been the authors of such compromises nearly as often as Congress. In general, the approach is rather convenient. The President obtains some political advantage in that the fundamental principle of legislative physics -- inertia -- is turned to his advantage. The President is freed from having to send-up a recommendation and wait for the whole process of enactment to run its course through subcommittees, committees, and the floor in each House and through conference. Instead, the Executive issues a proposed regulation (or some other form of executive action) and, if any step of the nullification process falters during a set number of days, the matter becomes effective as the functional equivalent of law. Congress, for its part, retains roughly the same degree of control i t would have had in the - 3 - �normal legislative process but structures the situation, where speed or flexibility is needed, to compensate for its own institutional weaknesses. In this context, t_he veto works best when it is enacted as part of a negotiated agreement between the branches to improve management flexibility or response to emergency situations. The best examples of the former are laws which have given the Executive authority to temporarily defer spending or implement less than departmental reorganizations, subject to congressional nullification. The War Powers Act is the best and strongest example of the latter. Historically, the courts have been very reluctant to intervene in these kinds of political agreements between the other branches. Indeed, as recently as 1978, the Supreme Court allowed to stand a lower court ruling which affirmed a law which had allowed the President to adjust federal pay scales annually, subject to a legislative veto. Expanded use of the veto Increasingly, however, there has been alarm about the proliferation in the uses to which the legislative veto has been put. The veto is on weakest grounds when foisted by Congress for its own convenience or inability to face hard choices. And such uses have become disturbingly more common in recent years than the cautious "power sharing" agreements between the branches which gave birth to the device. And suddenly, in the past few years, congressional exuberance with the device has led to the birth of proposals for a "generic" legislative veto -- - 4 - �a proposed law which would give Congress the power to review and nullify each regulation issued by the entire government. The issue reached a head last year when the Senate passed the proposal 69 to 25. A similar House proposal, which was not acted on, was co-sponored by a substantial majority of the House. The results of such a proposal could have been disturbing and the potential for genuine paralysis in entire, important segments of the regulatory process was the great risk posed by a broad, generic veto. Certainly, the business community has legitimate qreviences aqainst poorly considered federal regulations. It has equal greviences against poorly considered laws. And to expect a Congress that can barely pass a few hundred laws iri a year to seriously review 7,000 regulations, is the answer to neither problem. Unlike the hundreds of specifically linked agreements enacted since 1932, a generic veto is nothing more or less than an unconstitutional effort to turn the entire process of national government on its head, transferring to each branch the functions for which i t has the least expertise and legitimacy. It was becoming increasingly clear that the use of the legislative veto was a runaway train and there was increasing doubt of any ability to restrain the device to its traditional and accepted uses. It was in response to this trend, I believe, that the Supreme Court has now been forced to intervene in a matter it had successfully sought to avoid deciding for a generation. - 5 - �In this regard, the decision should not be viewed as a disaster or as a victory for anyone. EFFECT OF THE COURT DECISION Congress, admittedly, has lost a tool which has, in its better applications, proved useful and efficient. But, by restraining Conqress from immersing itself in every item of regulation and adjudication, the court has saved Congress from drowning in detail i t lacks the institutional capacity to manage, and freed i t to act within the scope of its legitimate role for shaping national policy. Clearly, the Chadha decision will force vast institutional adjustments to be made by Congress to prepare itself to work effectively under this new arrangement but I sincerely believe the long term effects could be salutary for Congress, the President and the Nation. Specific legislation In the long run, the Congress will be strengthened in relation to the President, the bureaucracy, and the courts. It will be forced to write laws with greater specificity. Far less substance will be left for regulatory or judicial interpretation and powers of a legislative character will be delegated with narrower limitation both as to scope and duration. Severability But, I believe that initial discussion of the decision has even more significantly misjudged the short term effects. The specific decision of the court applies to a single provision of the - 6 - �immigration laws and found that provision unconstitutional. To the extent that the ruling is interpreted as having "shifted" power from the legislative branch to the executive, however, that is correct only because the court was able, in this case, to make two findings; the operative language of the ruling is, "We hold that the Congressional veto provision in section 244(c)(2) is severable from the Act and that it is unconstitutional." The grounds on which the Court held the veto unconstitutional are so broad as to make clear the intention of the court that its decision would govern lower courts in the review of all the 300 provisions of law that have used the veto. And that review will probably take a decade or more. It seems doubtful that any of these laws will survive subsequent challenge; in the Chadha decision, the Supreme Court has left itself and the lower courts almost no room to maneuver on that matter. The particular law had authorized the Attorney-General to suspend deportation of aliens in certain cases, and had provided that Congress could overrule that determination. By the court finding the veto unconstitutional, Congress loses its power to review those determinations. By the court finding that review severable from the delegation, the Attorney General retains his powers. But, had the court been unable to find the two propositions severable, the entire arrangement would have fallen and the Attorney General would have been able to suspend deportations only by requesting that Congress pass a bill for the relief of the individual in question. - 7 - �As the courts begin to sort out the 300 remaining laws, Chadha will turn out to have been a rather exceptional case and the findinq of severability will be impossible in the majority of cases. Under a 1967 law, previously noted, Congress gave the President authority to revise the federal pay schedules annually, subject to congressional disapproval. On the same constitutional basis on which Chadha was later decided, a group of federal jurists sued for a pay raise proposed by the President but disapproved by Congress. The court ruled that it was inconceivable that Congress would have given the President the power to adjust pay if the determination were not subject to congressional review. The court was able to rule that the two matters were not severable and, if the veto of the President's authority was unconstitutional, that authority would fall with it. As a result, i t was possible to hold that no claim existed without reaching the constitutional merits and, on appeal, the Supreme Court declined to review the case. I think that this model is likely to be repeated in most court reviews sterning from the Chadha decision. And the manner in which it is repeated will satisfy no one. One of the most effective and articulate supporters of the veto, Congressman Levitas of Georgia, pointed out that the veto is neither conservative nor liberal, neither pro-business nor pro-environment. "It is," he astutely observed, "a two-edged sword." And I would echo his observation in predicting the effect of the unraveling of the legislative veto, as Chadha is applied to future cases. The Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, for ex- - 8 - �ample, establishes a flexible system for cooperative action between the President and Congress to rescind or defer federal spending. There is no question that the one House veto of Presidential proposals for deferrals is embraced by the Chadha decision. However, the Act contains no severability clause and the legislative history clearly documents that Congress would never have granted deferral authority absent a congressional review mechanism -- indeed, the bill was written in response to President Nixon's use of impoundments and restraint of that power was the clear, unequivocal purpose of the Act. Therefore, under Chadha, what is lost is i t not Congress' power to review spending decisions, but the President's authority to make them. But this is not something that should delight anyone. Althouqh attempts have been made to use deferral authority for substantive purposes and some proposals have been disapproved, the general use of the device is purely ministerial and Congress has permitted more than 3/4ths of the proposals to take effect. In the wake of Chadha~ the President is legally required to obligate appropriations, even if everyone involved is in clear agreement that the appropriation is in excess of the amount needed. It is clear that a decision must be made quickly on how to resolve such a disaster within the terms of the Supreme Court decision, but i t is equally clear that i t is Congress which decides what that resolution is to be. At the end of the last session, an appropriation was made for the MX missile but i t could be spent only if Congress subsequently approved the release of the money. The method by which that approval was made is clearly - 9 - �overturned by the Chadha decision and the history of the law is that the appropriation would not have been made in the absence of the review (the review provision was adopted as an amendment that rejected a straight appropriation). And so the only proper legal course open to the President at this moment to handle MX funding is to come to Congress again for an appropriation everyone already thought he had. The same situation will hold equally true for agencies and other instrumentalities of the federal government who now may think the Chadha decision frees them from congressional interference. Those who would argue that the power of the D. C. City Council to make laws is severable from the congressional review of those laws will find little comfort in the legislative history of the enactment of Home Rule legislation, and will find that issue further complicated by a specific constitutional requirement that Congress "exercise exclusive Legislation in " all Cases whatsoever, over such District Li~ited effect on severable delegations Undoubtedly, some cases will be discovered where it will be possible to find delegations severable from the congressional review mechanism applicable to determination under the delegation. But, even in such cases, the effect of such shifts of power are likely to be smaller than expected. A clear example would be the Federal Trade Commission. The severability of a veto, adopted in the context of a routine 1980 authorization, for an agency established in 1914, left little doubt that congressional authority - 10 - �to overrule regulations of the Federal Trade Commission was voided by Chadha, as the Court confirmed in its summary decision on that matter. But, neither, is there any question that the ability of the Commission to issue rules at all, and indeed the very existence of the F'IC beyond September 30th depends entirely on the enactment of a pending authorization to which any change in the Federal Trade Act is probably germane. Likewise, the Nuclear Waste bill, adopted last year, authorized the Secretary of Energy to fix a tax on nucle r generation of electricity to be placed in a trust fund for the development of a nuclear waste repository, subject to an legislative veto. During consideration of that bill, an amendment was adopted which required Congress to act by law, rather than a veto, to overturn state objections to siting decisions; the legislative history of the bill confirms that this change was made in response to constitutional reservations about the veto. That history, combined with an unequivocal severability clause, might permit the tax to stand without congressional review. But, although the delegation of taxing powers to the executive is an extraordinary precedent, I am inclined to believe that Congress will find i t has lost rather little power. The executive wins freewheeling authority to tax utilities and deposit the proceeds in a trust fund. But any expenditure from that fund remains totally subject to the congressional authorization and appropriation process, and to any requirements -- including alterations in the tax -- which Congress may chose to place in such bills. RESPONSES TO CHADHA In fashioning institutional remedies to the current situation, I would - 11 - �hope that all.branches of government have reqistered a valuable lesson to be learned from Chadha. The process of government is and quite leqitimately a political one. And the Nation is best served when that process is allowed to work, even with some tensions, with flexibility and a fair regard by each branch for the legitimate role of the others. Throughout their history, the appropriations committees have handled routine adjustments during a fiscal year through a process known as reprogrammings. The system is clearly not sanctioned by the Chadha decision, but that doesn't matter because the system is beyond the reach of the courts as long as both branches operate in good faith. Slightly simplified, the process is that, if the Administration wants to transfer money from one purpose to a related one within the same appropriation, a letter is sent to the relevent subcommittees of the House and Senate Appropriation Committees. The commmittees vote on the matter and the Administration abides by the decision. The committees are aware that the Administration is under no statutory obligation to comply with arbitrary instructions and the Administration is aware that appropriations run for only a year and are usually revised to reflect any difficulties the committees have noted during the prior appropriation. But there is no rule of Congress nor any federal law on the subject for any court to review. It is simply an accommodation based on restraint and a decent respect by each branch for the responsibilities and privileges of the other. Where understood practices and comities between the branches are stretched beyond their understood terms, the branch damaged must be expected to respond - 12 - �with all the powers within its reach. The survival of our constitutional system requires that self-defense. Presidential impoundment powers had actually proven useful tools for fiscal flexibility which served the purposes of both branches for a generation, under a variety of Democratic and Republican Presidents and Democratic and Republican congressional chambers. But, President Nixon dramatically abused the system. Indeed i t is not unreasonable to characterize his actions as an attempt to use impoundment to qive the Presidency something the Constitution had deliberately denied i t -- an item veto of appropriations. In 1974, Congress responded to the constitutional threat by extinguishing impoundment powers and replacing i t with the comparatively cumbersome congressional budget process. The development of the War Powers Resolution is a case of obviously similar retrenchment of an _informal sys tern stretched too far. The legislative veto, likewise, proved a useful and effective tool to both branches to provide comparable administrative and regulatory flexibility. But the zealousness with which Congress attempted to toss it onto a variety of laws began to shift the constitutional balance in such a manner that the Supreme Court was forced to rule more sweepingly than i t might have wanted, on an issue I suspect i t would have preferred not to address at all. Indeed, the record is rather clear that in 1978 the Supreme Court "ducked" a case that presented an opportunity to rule on the identical issues posed by the Chadha case. - 13 - �I am not distraught over the current situation, for reasons I think I have outlined clearly. But, as we survey the results of the Chadha decision, i t is rather clear that. the courts' attempts to side-step the issue in previous years was wise and that the interests of neither the President nor Congress have been advanced by this definitive constitutional resolution of the issues. The immediate task involves all three branches and will be facilitiated by the greatest possible caution and restraint by each. No single committee of Congress can undertake these next steps. They involve the entire institution and I am aware of no committee which does not have some law within its jurisdiction touched by Chadha. It is not necessary that all these laws be repealed or modified by Congress, nor that most of them become subject to judicial rulings. In some cases, resolution will be forced on Congress. For example, at some point an individual will appear before the District of Columbia courts, charged with a matter which would not be a crime save that the previous Congress overturned a revision of certain D. c. criminal ordinance. The in- dividual's attorneys will argue his case on constitutional grounds. Under Chadha, the congressional review mechanism is likely to fall, although there are constitutional peculiarities unique to that veto which could separate the case. Whether the courts strike down only the veto or the entire Horne Rule delegation, the Committee on the District of Columbia will face a inescapable responsibility to fashion a legislative remedy. - 14 - �Other vetoes will never be tested. The courts cannot rule hypothetically and issues must actually exist to be tested. We could hardly dispa.tch an ambassador-at-large to obtain the consent of some nation to an invasion because our government needs to bring a test case of the War Powers Resolution. So, although i t is not wholely satisfactory, we have to face the fact that we know as much today as we probably will ever know about the status of the War Powers Resolution. It is unlikely that the Committee on Foreiqn Affairs will be able to fashion a revision of the law within the terms of Chadha, but it is obviously required that the matter be examined. Informal alternatives In many cases, a decision will be made deliberately to avoid any clarification. It is possible that Congress and the President will simply decide, for example, to observe all the procedures of title X of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act, as a political accommodation. As I have stated, I expect that the congressional review of deferrals under title X would be struck down under the Chadha decision. But the nonseverability of Presidential deferral authority is sufficiently clear that neither branch has any incentive to test the law. So long as both branches operate with some comity, and avoid any effort to use the deferral section to deal entitlements, I am inclined to doubt that their accommodation can ever come within reach of the courts. Similar determinations to seek no judicial resolution, and to simply abide by the terms of statutes of doubtful constitutionality, may turn out to be an appropriate response in many other cases. Various "project authoriza- - 15 - �tion" powers exercised by the public works committees of each House, and similar fiscal controls exercised by other committees, have worked efficiently over the years and there is little reason to abandon them. But, even in cases in which it is determined to leave a matter undecided, it is important that even that decision be reached as the result of careful committee review. Review of veto laws and bills I hope that each committee of the Congress will promptly begin a review of all of the laws within its jurisdiction touched by the court decision to clarify these issues. In addition, I would strongly urge committees to review pending legislation very carefully. The Chadha decision is unequivocal and puts Congress on clear public notice of how the federal judiciary will rule in these matters. An argument of nonseverability will be very difficult to sustain in the case of any delegation, which involves a suspect review mechanism, enacted subsequently to the Supreme Court ruling. INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSES In addition to these individual statutory and legislative reviews, I expect that the subcommittees of the Committee on Rules, will initiate hearings immediately after the August recess to study some of the broader institutional issues posed by the Chadha decision. Personally, I think Congress should reserve judgement on these institutional responses pending a substantial process of information gathering along the lines of my subcommittee hearings and the ones being conducted by - 16 - �the House Judiciary Committee in considering regulatory reform. However, i t might be appropriate to comment on some of the propositions that are likely to be discussed: Constitutional amendment When any proposition is declared unconstitutional, the first response naturally will be to examine the possibility of a constitutional amendment. As a matter purely of arithmetic, this approach seems possible; certainly the veto has always enjoyed two-thirds support in each House and nearly three-quarters of the states vest similar powers in their legislatures. But I suspect that efforts to draft a workable proposal will prove impossible. The one resolution (H. J. Res. 313) which has been introduced, for example, is limited in its applicablity to regulations. That approach would resolve the issue that has presented Congress with the least difficulty, without resolving the more sensitive and difficult issues raised by war powers, national emergencies, export controls, and other executive actions. If an attempt is made to broaden it, a constitutional amendment would move directly against the heart of the Constitution, the separation of powers doctrine. If an attempt is made to narrow it, we are faced with the difficulty of constitutionally defining the term regulations. I think that a constitutional amendment will prove impossible, if only because no one will be able to find a satisfactory manner in which one can be drafted. - 17 - �Statutory nullification and approval By focusing so strongly on the presentation clause in Chadha, the Court appeared to be pointing the way toward joint resolutions, submitted to the President in the same manner as bills, as a constitutional alternative to the traditional legislative veto. Selecting between the use of approval or disapproval resolutions, however, raises difficult questions of political balance. Joint resolutions of disapproval, if they pertain to actions which the President is likely to seek to uphold, shift the balance of power dramatically by delegating powers of a legislative character and then leaving the Congress able to influence those legislative actions only by majorities sufficient to override a Presidential veto. I would cite the authorization, appropriation and impoundment process as a clear example of a case in which such an arrangement would be a matter of poor policy. The funding process of government is that funds are authorized by law and then appropriated in a subsequent Act. Title X of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act provides authority for the President to propose to defer spending, subject to nullification by a one-House veto. If that system needs to be revised, I think Congress should hesitate before it considers a system that would require i t to pass three laws to get money spent. But, in the case of regulations of some independent agencies (over which the President may have even less control than Congress) statutory nullifica- - 18 - �tion may sometimes prove appropriate. In many cases, Congress and the Pres ident are likely to be in agreement about a rule. Joint resolutions of approval, on the other hand, retain significant policy powers in the Congress, but could lead Congress toward further and dangerous involvement in the smallest details of national government. Political factors, in the long run, will tend to work against the joint resolution of approval, particularly as a tool of regulatory oversight. Those subject to federal regulation, have found the legislative veto attractive, over the years. They get a full shot at lobbying their position through the regulatory process. If they win, the matter is resolved to their satisfaction; if they lose, they can move on without prejudice to seek a resolution of disapproval, if the rule is subject to legislative veto. Again, if they win, their victory is absolute. But, if they lose, the statute customarily carries a provision indicating that congressional inaction on, or even rejection of, a resolution of disapproval has no meaning; so they open their third fight in the courts on a relatively equal footing. Even before Chadha, the legal community was beginning to have qualms about the veto, as both the appeals court in this circuit and the Supreme Court began to ignore this disclaimer and note congressional inaction under veto laws in certain rulings. But a joint resolution of approval goes even further. To the extent that it enacts a regulation into law, i t shelters the regulation from many of the judicial challenqes i t might overwise face. Forced to chose between Congress and the courts as a sole forum for appeal of rules, regulated communities may decide that Capitol Hill is not the arena in which they chose to fight. - 19 - �I can imagine certain emergency powers, like exercises under the War Powers Resolution, for which joint resolutions of approval might be appropriate solutions to the issues posed by Chadha. But, in most cases, I would caution against such an approach. As traditionally drafted, legislative vetoes laws have served not only as a limitation on agency exercises but, also, as rules of Congress to limit congressional review of those exercises. My greatest criticism of the veto is that it has locked Congress into "yes or no" responses to delicate and complicated issues. The rebuttal to my position, obviously has been that the matter is placed before Congress in a form that i t can only approve or disapprove by concurrent resolution; to improve it, we would have to act by statute. Now that the courts have made clear that we only can act by statute, anyway," all arguments for the rules of the House that customarily attach to vetoes disappear. Although there are precedents that indicate it has not always been so, the President's right to propose legislation is undoubted in the modern practice. And the authority of Congress to respond legislatively to such a communication is equally undoubted. To pass a law authorizing the executive to issue a rule or make any other proposal and to say Congress can pass a joint resolution enacting the recommendation, is a self-evident restatement of the Constitution. So what is the point of bothering to write such laws? If they follow the traditional form of previous legislative vetoes, the answer would be to impose a form of "closed rule" on congressional action on the recommendation. - 20 - �The House would be unlikley to adopt a closed rule on a bill yet to be written by one of its committees. And i t ought be even more hesitant to write into law a closed rule to allow entities outside of Congress to propose classes of law over which Congress surrenders its traditional powers to consider and perfect. In the short run, however, both joint resolutions of approval and of disapproval will be popular and the choice between them will pose difficult questions for the Congress. When the House considered the authorization for the Consumer Product Safety Commission (H. R. 2668) i t faced the first task of sorting out these options. An amendment providing for approval resolutions was offerred by Congressma Levitas of Georgia and one providing for disapproval resolutions by the subcommittee chairman, Congressman Waxman of California. The House provided a disquieting indication of how ready i t is to face the challenges of Chadha by adopting both amendments. Severabili ty Over the years, i t has become almost customary to include in Acts of Congress provisions known as "savings provisions" or "severabili ty clauses." In light of the three recent Supreme Court decisions on the veto, i t seems rather clear that this has not been an intelligent policy. If a portion of a law is held invalid, i t should be up to Congress, alone, to examine the remainder and determine the extent to which i t wishes to renew that matter and the extent to which i t wishes to change it. Savings provisions are a dangerously open invitation to the courts to assume that legislative function. - 21 - �The Federal Trade Commission was established in 1914; it was qiven requlatory powers in 1974; and the veto was added in 1980. The history strongly suggests severability. But the other two cases decided by the Court provide no such history. The court relied far to glibly on the presence of a savings provision in the ruling in Chadha, in which i t decided to hold component subsections of a coherent, linked section severable from each other. As Justice White noted in dissent, "Surely, Congress would want the naturalization provisions of the Act to be severable from the deportation section. But this does not support preserving §244 [the provision which authorizes the Attorney General to suspend certain deportations] without legi sla ti ve veto • • • " It is possible that the Committee on Rules should propose a rule of the House which prohibits savings clauses, places limitations on their use, or, at least, impose substantial reporting requirements on committees which wish to propose them. Indeed, i t might be suggested that, in some cases, committees should be required to consider the possibility of "_!}on severability" clauses, so that the courts and Congress are both required to review laws in their totality. Delegations The modern administrative state has required substantial delegation of legislative powers to the executive. And the legislative veto has been an entirely understandable response to the imbalance that has caused. In the absence of the legislative veto, Congress is going to have to examine those delegations it has already made and those it proposes to make with considerably more caution. - 22 - �One of the matters I would expect my subcommittee to review is the possibility that the rules of the House might impose requirements on committees, in handling bills authorizing delegations of a legislative character, to report in some detail to the House on the need for doing so and the committee's intent in how those authorities will be used. Regulatory Reform and the Bumpers Amendment The area of response to Chadha which lies within the jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary is the matter of regulatory reform, and the always controversial proposition which accompanies i t -- the Bumper amendment. I would urge Congress to act with considerable caution on such responses. Most regulatory reform proposals are designed to increase the powers of the President or the courts over the regulatory process. In the wake of the Chadha decision, which clearly weakens congressional authority over regulation in comparison to the other branches, I think Congress should be reluctant to heap new regulatory powers on these other branches. I do not dispute the need for regulatory reform. But I think Congress needs to make some important institutional responses to Chadha before i t will be appropriate to proceed with regulatory reform proposals, particularly those which increase Presidential and 0MB control over rulemaking, without appropriate congressional authorities to balance those review powers. The proposal, known as the Bumpers amendment, to allow the courts.of the United States to independently review regulations, seems to present little merit at this point. The Chadha decisions, and a number of rulings - 23 - �in the regulatory area, make i t clear that the courts already have rather more power over regulatory affairs than is probably appropriate. I would strongly urge Congress, in weighing the Bumpers amendment, to realize that the the most compelling separation of powers danger that faces this country does not concern the "unelected bureaucrats." We've done fairly well in dealing with the federal bureaucrary and have adequate leqislative powers in reserve to redress any grevience which may arise there. But, we are today confronted with a federal judiciary, which has shown little reluctance to move forcefully in areas heretofore assumed to be of a legislative character. And Congress would be ill-advised to expand those powers over regulation, pending some very serious thought about the current balance of powers between the branches. Oversight In the last two Congresses, the Committee on Rules and the Committee on the Judiciary have dealt with the issue of regulatory reform from very different perspectives of what the real problems are, much less their solutions. I am hopeful that the Chadha decision has created a climate in which the linked issues of regulatory reform and congressional reform can be addressed in a more coordinated fashion. It continues to be my contention that the root source of most complaints about the regulatory process lies in the statutes which govern the agencies and the manner in which Congress writes those laws. And any regulatory reform proposal that does not address the need for major structural changes in congressional oversight and lawmaking is doomed to failure. In the last Con- - 24 - �gress, I put forward H. R. 1, as a vehicle by which the two committees could conduct a coordinated review of administrative, congressional, and judicial aspects of regulatory reform. The central aspect of H. R. 1, from the vantage point of the Committee on Rules, was the proposal for the establishment of a select committee to re- view all federal agency rulemaking. The proposal was a modification of prior recommendations by Congressman Kindness of Ohio, who had put forward a bill {H. R. 14222, 95th Congress) to establish a joint committee to conduct such reviews. H. R. 1 would have established a select committee with broad authority to review proposed and existing federal agency rules, which would enable the House to address the most fundamental complaints about regulation (conflict, duplication, and overlap) in a manner not possible under the existing cornrnittee structure. The majority of state legislatures and all national legislatures, which have legislative review laws, have found i t appropriate to establish specific committees for this purpose. The bill authorized the committee to report to the House joint resolutions to disapprove pending rules. Although a majority of House the preferred the convenience of one or two House vetoes, Congress is on clear notice, under Chadha, that it has to act by joint resolution. To the extent that a joint resolution may be perceived as a weaker tool, I would think Conaress would seek to establish a stronger "handle" to operate that tool. So this proposal would appear to be more attractive in the wake of Chadha. If that perception is now shared by the other body, I would have no objection to - 25 - �returning to the earlier recommendation of the gentleman from Ohio for a joint commit tee. The most serious internal objection to the select or joint committee approach would concern the jurisdiction of standing committees. But, based on my committee's examination of the practice of other legislatures, I would exf)ect that such a committee would recommend minor regulatory improvements to the agencies, and legislative improvements to the standing committees, to minimize conflict, duplication, and overlap, far more often than it would report disapproval resolutions. SUMMARY The genius of our constitutional system is that the Presidency, the Congress, and the Courts will always exist and have to work together. In the resolution of any confrontation, even one as sweeping as Chadha, the question is whether the three, in reaching accommodations that replace the veto, have learned the lessons of recent history and can apply them with comity and with common sense. - 26 - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Remarks of Congressman John Joseph Moakley before the National Association of Manufacturers about the legislative veto Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 12 September 1983 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource Congressman Moakley discusses his stance on the use of the legislative veto and the implications of the Supreme Court ruling on INS v Chadha. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="https://www.suffolk.edu/-/media/suffolk/documents/about/moakley-archive-and-institute/moakley-papers/ms100_pdftxt.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright Suffolk University. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Type The nature or genre of the resource Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Legislative veto--United States--Congresses Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1280 Legislative Veto Rules Committee https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/d6a8a3daa1b4964bbeb65f6fedf88589.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=hBwDIoNrQrk2fmJ1VCfPOl5PEBpLxDTGBnohQjxaKPPUmUfY76Eldf3GzsuRfVUiWOE9Se69hgG3Leu1OT7QSQSmOtRNXO5Kw9c-QShAR92jfuUeSonYquf%7Ev%7EPoHfK-Tc9SukC8m2bCRT-YtRXW3zTvVUfFNgRs8p8J3of-kGY7vijtNZezMZ1qc2VX3MV92YiPOaG%7Eq2jiT9C6ONloYgQ9YuxoGZJhBbk1SeTLEbAi598GhLvLCPf7kzgrhDu7W-zes6fwofyq2tuKfHYjOYnMFW52K6nRgc9knH0bjQ9KFNOLXUn4dp6tLq1M7%7EQM3tx%7E2UyrnIsN6EI2XesmKw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 5c2f9ac498e3e50bb494a447107c790e PDF Text Text ��� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-0925 Title A name given to the resource Letter from John Joseph Moakley to the editor of The Boston Herald regarding Moakley's disappointment over the Herald's editorial entitled "Moakley's Double Standard." A copy of the article is included in the document, 11/23/1991 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 23 November 1991 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistants' Files: James P. McGovern, Box 19 Folder 310 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Correspondence Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant tgn:7005441 Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Assassination--Investigation--El Salvador Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> El Salvador https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/b526cccbf3e7a628ed0c03f846c03290.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=AT-nko7w1Bol8dg52LvGVX2sRSTxryc8W7HauYvDRVHasMtbNKPJyIpegIJGPDcOo7of0tuCYQn-Fe-hwPTbn1xtT-DMb60dMb3kg5u4fLeRjXD9Fv%7E%7EMFiEAlP9PzUIE2F2C2hrWOPsp4p473V8oBCLGA6MbWnHTiNxjhEZ-e3tDootx9j%7EbXLib%7EdSGHBXm4av7zBsD94XeNFdQBDL7m4rwRgJfy1m1zDzKLo7jk4X%7EYbyQE9aH4Pzwd218gt3i947K-raLg8wCm2BVGXj-QYSBu7C2NWnVev2OLVo3ZgeEdTXi3txhgqkQgyfg7S7nSuJrEeabeLlLTnoGaxrew__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 4c76d7ceba4389bd7390b56da2b75703 PDF Text Text ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-0054 Title A name given to the resource John Joseph Moakley's WWII and political campaign scrapbook Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1943-1971 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource The scrapbook is partially scanned. The portion scanned contains snapshots from Moakley's service as a Seabee in Hawaii and the South Pacific during WWII. The unscanned portion contains news clippings about Moakley's political campaigns during the 1950s-1970s. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Joe Moakley Political campaigns Scrapbooks World War II https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/8ed1a2f83cabdb28e69440589b0d4620.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=lniWZjB9lhW1uk7b2tx8zYjO1QlFbxQZZh3i4FIZ1GnmHumWS6OxZK-S4uZF9f8rePwczGYFDE6RzZpLnRHYOpXpuk9vUe1YDR7h21md2jzvke5CkbeJ7kwKK8--OZJD5EPxJzUvVCUwD63henO0qQHkgi-vqV-illrD2RxVBoTA7w7Gu-oR2TamSTWQhTjXW3RSV40THMBAZlOn9QULW3N-raCbN3rhOlMerJPBHCwABWdtHrJGP-Ofwvmz9fVNv4RjZ9caNdSB6VGWBRG0ZAN4m26JhU0ARHVO%7Egaij0NePHkbyL-bmf7VMxS3Ygr7o39-dHWIqiJI-BctT8OFkA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 0f9cb301648ef34bf01a0b7806a3482a PDF Text Text ........... ... ~. ~·. ·-. ~ ::.. You can thank JoeMoakley for the lmv that sap you can't be evicted f.t'Olll public housing 1.Vithout a hearbig. Vote September 15 Attorney Daniel W. Healy , 43 Roslin Street , Dorchester, Mass. Youonlyget out of Congress vvhat you put into it. John Joseph Moakley Democratic Candidate 9th Congressional District Massachusetts State Senate 1965-Present (3 terms) Chairman of Joint House and Sena te Urban Affairs Committee Chairman of Special Commission on Boston Harbor Islands Chairman of Special Commission on Marine Boundaries and Resources Chairman of Special Commission on Crime and Violence Chairman of Special Commiss ion on Tideland Licenses Chairman of Special Commission on the Effect of Aircraft Noise on Children in the Vicinity of Logan Airport Member of Senate Judiciary Committee Member of Senate Rules Committee Massachusetts House of Representatives 1953-60 (4 terms) Democratic Majority Whip Assistant Majority Leader Massachu setts Bar Association Boston Bar Association Massachusetts Trial Lawyers' Association American Legion Veterans of Foreign Wars Disabled American Veterans Knights of Columbus Vote September 15 Lifelong Resident of the 9th Congressional District Attorney Daniel W Healy , 43 Aoslin Street. Oorche s1er, Ma ss --,....0 �. . ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Reprint from The Boston Globe, Thursday, August 6, 1970 POLITICAL CIRCUIT By CAROL LISTON Uneasy role of underdog The senator talks about his background and his hopes for the di:strict, as he campaigns daily in the streets of the Ninth. But he is up against heavy odds. State Sen. John Joseph Moakley (D-South Boston) is an underdog for all the wrong reasons. He is struggling to wini the Democratic primary in the state's Ninth Congressional District - to fill retiring Speaker John McCormack's 1 eat in the US House. s Most important - Mokley's pr ime opponent is a lady whose name is tantamount to a slogan - Louise Day Hicks. Mrs. Hicks a former school committe chairman and now a city councilor, has run unsuccessfully fo r several offices·. But she ha~ a good chance of winn ing in the Ninth. In fact h.e r confidence is so high she is scarcely campaigning for the Sept. 15 primary. It is not easy to be an underdog with a background like Moakley's. Moakley has· spenit 16 yiears in the state Legislature building a solid record of accomplishment. He has served in 1ihe House and Seante - as did Speaker McCormack. His vot ing record over the years has been modet~ to liberal. In the last several years he has won accolades for his ~1ana:gement of the Joint committee on Urban Affairs. As Mrs. Hicks has- been fond of telling voters-"You know where I stand." I~ the Ninth District that is the password to fear . If this were any other dJstrict-in the state, Mrs. Hicks could not win on her limited experience and her ability to raise fears in voters' hearts. Under Moakliey's chairmanship, the committee initiated the firS1t subcommittee system on Beacon Hill, which Moakley patterned on the Congressional system. Work assignments are not passed out on a friendship basi.JS. His subcommittee chairmen are some of the most competent men in the legislature. The Ninth includes the North End, South Boston, Chinatown, Dorchester, Roxbury, Jamaica Plain, Roslind'a le and part orf the Back Bay. Many of those neighbQrhoods· are populated by low and lower middle income fain.Hies. · They watch inflation, the deterioration of the city, the growt)1 of the bl ack population - and they are s~1ared; 1 Louise Day Hicks offers false hope to these people. Moakley has the r~cord and the concrete plans to bring change. But Mrs. Hicks appeals to emotions. Moakley's aim is urba111. protection. And the best way to get 1 there is by !hard legis1ative work and bipartisan cooperation and Moakley knows it. His committee has produced an impressive list of results with broader and SEN. JOHN MOAKLEY new housing legislation, significant new t ~nant protections, the "snob 210ll1ing" law to allow moderate income construction in the suburban communities. It's no fun running against a false panacea. Ask Joe Moakley. Ask the men who never entered the race onl:e they knew Mrs. Hicks would be an opponent. The fin1al factor in Moakley's underdog status is the 'third candidate in the Democratic primary, a black attorney from Roxbury named David Nelson. He is an able man with a good background in community service. But th,e harsh political reality in the Ninth l'.:>istrict is that a black cannot win there. Nelson will siphon·· off the votes that could mean a victory for Moakley. Nelson's people like to say that a vote for Moakley is a vote for Mrs . .Hicks. But the reality is that Moakley can provide a broader appeal in the Ninth District than Nel_ son can. So a vote for Nelson in the end will be a vote for Mrs. Hicks.:_an unhappy irony for Boston's black community. Moakley has worked to protect the concept of retain.ing little neighborhoods within cities. He has helped protect the ecology of Boston Harbor and i!ts islands. He baittled the dumping of wastes in !harbor and coastal wateM. ~ 23 �f\E:P~\Y\>T fl\OM Boston Evening Globe Tuesday, May 26, 1970 Moakley seeks bigger plat£orm for programs By Glor ia Negr i, G lo be S taff State Sen. J ohn . J oseph Moakley picked up a st ack of large white mimeographed papers and asked, "Do you know anybody who wants2000 nomL nation papers that say, 'Re-elect John Moak ley for State Senator'? " Moakley, who often is referred t o as "Joe," is 43 and a Democrat who r epresen ts Sout h Boston in t he Legislature. One of his con stituents is House Speaker John W. McCormack, whose announced retirement from Coneress t his week haS<> caused a flurry of h ats to be tossed into the ring for his Ni.ntr . Congr essional District seat. On e of the hats belongs to Joh n J oseph Moakley, w ho said that while the Speaker's announcement came as a surprise, his own decision had been long in the making. ''I had decided two or three years ago to be a candid ate for Congress if a nd when t he Speaker decided not to run," Moakley said. He said he felt he could, from the vantage point of Con gress, better wo r k for t he federally -sponsored state program s w ith w hich he has been concerne d as chairman of the Committee on Urban· Affairs. ''These progr ams are housing, transport ation, pollution, recreation and development of Boston's off-shore islands," Moakley said. "I think I can be of better service to the causes I've espoused in Congr ess." The Feder al government, Moakley feel s, should m a ke a "more massive commitm ent t o the states." " President Nixon puts in $4 mil lion for w ater . pollution for the next five year s for t he entire country when we could u se $1 billion in Massachusetts alone," he says, adding, " When t here is $70 billion fo r a defen se budget, yo u can't get much back to the sta tes." STATE SEN. JOHN J. MOAKLEY dec id E:d two · or th ree yea rs ago" Moakley said he would conduct a "vigorous" campaign. "I've always wanted to be in Congress and I' m going to fight as hard as I can. I' m going to talk on the issues. And, I don't think anyone is going to win on any one issue. There are four or five-the war, housing, pollution, crime in the streets and education. As for con gression al reform, I .do feel a person has to know the structure of the Congress first, but I would take a close look at the seniority system. In this day and age, freshme n congressmen have to be listened to." 011 the Indochina war, Moakley, who joined the Navy at 15 and served in the South Pacific d uring World War II, said, "I think the war is draining the lifeblood of our youth and demanding immense financial resources that should be redirected to solving our urban problems. If the President t,3.d in.formation that troops were necessary .jn Cambodia, he should have sent in South Vietnamese ." Moakley said his views on the war "have changed over the last few years. We went over there to stabilize a government for elections. I'd like to get the troops out of Cambodia and Vietnam without sacrficing troops. We've got to protect our people there ." Moakley feels race problems can best be solved by correcting ills in all aspects of society. "Through the urban affairs committee, we have been able to put through legis la tion that has he lped al l groups of pisadvantaged, black and ·white," he said. "We put t h rough an ti'snob-zoning' to allow poor people to establish homes in the suburbs. "We've made it possible to allow non-profit corporations to buy land and build low and mode rate cost housing in the towns and in some · of the towns we have found that the civil servants couldn't afford to live in the towns they worked in. Housing is a big issue with poor people. If we can solve the ho using problem we can, in l.a rge measure, ' solve our racial problem," Moakley said . Moakley is proud in the Legislature spanned seven years ( 1953-1960), the last jority whip, and five Senate, since 1965. of hjs record wh ich has in the House term as m ayears in the He points to such Moakleysponsored legislation as a bill to ban from the commonwealth after 1975 new vehicles using the internal combustion engine u n less there is a dras tic reduction in their polluting characteristics. "This was withd rawn once the Federal government recently followed suit with a directive to HEW, but we will resubmit the bill if we find the Federal government is r,ot living up to its regulations," Moakley said. A Moa-kley-sponsored bill prevents the · dumping of ha,zardous wastes off the shores of Boston Harbor . The Army Corps o'f Engineers had allowed the dumping of mercury anct berylium off Boston Light by private contractors. Another bi II he sponsored proposes that the outward limits of the ocean boundaries of the commonwealth be doubled, so the state's power to prohibit dumping would extend even farther than the three-mile limit. He calls his public housing package ·'one of the most significant bills in public housing in two or three decades." Moakley says the congressional bid is worth giving up his Senate seat for. " I gave up my House seat to run against John Powers in 1960 because I thought I cou ld be more effective in t he Seuate," Moakley said . Moakley lost to Powers in that race, but succeeded in gaining the ;seat when Powers chose not to run in 1964. "Some people ru n for things to come close. I wo uld never run fo r anything unless convinced I would win," Moakley said. A nat ive of South Boston where he still lives with his wife, the former Evelyn Duffy of Cambrid ge, Moakley says the on ly time he has not lived in Southie was " w hen I was a student of Uncle Sam." He is also a former student of the University of Miami and Suffolk Law Schoo l w here he got h is degree. Moakley has t wo brothers, Robert and Thomas, w ho along with the senator, a re always part of the scene at Dorgan's on St. P atrick's Day. Cities hat zero on Expo ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• _ Moakley; Nelson Take To Billboards 9reasons whyyou should vote for Joe Meakley. By PAUL CORKERY Riding around the Forest Hills Square traffic rotary is not one of the more conventionaf ways of obtaining political information in Boston, but as far as the Ninth Congressional DemQcratic primary fight is concerned, a ride around _ square is informathe tive. At least- a dozen billboards line the rotary, where streets from ail over the district converge, and nearly half of the billboards have been hired by candidates. Buses in the Ninth District-which. includes most of Boston-swing through the MBTA -Forest -Hills terminal and they are covered with political advertising. I ·,uq 'OZl>S·E Yl ·,,11,m tiU!~led iiJ;I ·,~u1 'vn pa1,1gdw1 'll:USS01 'SdO_ '.>IV3!S N H:l .l01ll 'We4+1tM '·15 IQQ4lS S6t ·tiny '•1nr 'aunr '·u1 ·ezz1d-eutits1q-e11Ql!uew-•i!lli!J•ds-1u d ij I? if ·n '90~t·UB l!X3 i~!lfu.:n.1 li l '14tiJU •Jihi tiu,,u,p 'Si!!l~'Ol ··~!ill l~i, 't?St>·6 W3 'SJQOO!I pue SiU!~ IIOQJiiS '5lSIOlj 'S~filS 'ill! ''Pll iff 'SiJAOiQ,P l!eµpo: ·yz "Ovt>Z·t,t,S NAJ.O.L .) Routon, a Vietnam veteran, proposed the declaration of an immediate ceasefire in the Asian war. He added that since the United States intervened in Vietnam, it must bring the war to a solution and cannot simply withdraw. None of the three candidates remarked on Mrs. Hicks' absence. S.LNYll.flVJJ UidO He favored the liberalizatioli of conscientious objector standards to include objection to a particular war. He backed elimination of the draft. Nelson, who is black, added that his election would bring a disenfranchised minority that is tempted to take to the streets back into the poli' tical system. •11113 '.<,-itJtd 11)119 taAaw OSOt '(•e~ 'lliJIAJ ' 11S lffll)S' iit PU! ('URS PiiO(:>i\ ·saqi s Nelson said he opposed t h e McGovern - Hatfield amendment to end the war by the end of 1971 because it does not end American involvement in Indochina soon enough. Nelson said legislative experience is not as important a credential for a US representative as a strong sense of the problems of the area. "I've lived with those problems," he said. S.Li\lVtlflV.L ~ Nelson and Routon both opposed preventive detention as unconstitutional. Moakley said he was the only candidate in the race with legislative experience, noting his 14 years in t~ State Ho.use. "The US Cord gress is no place for onthe-job training," he said. 'i4,ue19 i]J2:) ·spOOJViS Ui~!JiWV pue IU!S ) preventive detention where it could be demonstrated that the accused might commit another crime otherwise. He added that such action was tolerable only if the accused was assigned a trial date in the immediate fu t1tre and if he was not held in a prison. Moakley opposed the establishment of a volunteer army, saying the draft has probably contributed to the "hue and cry" ~.g ainst the war. He supported the McGovern-Hatfield amendment. } 'iU!i!O) U!!lill ;nui41ne pmedJnsun Councilman Louise Day icks again missed a confron ta tion with her opponents in the Ninth Congressional District race when she failed to attend a forum last night at the P.aulist Center. Moakley told the audience of 400 that he favored [ ·pug, J(Y ·s~ep L uado ·s;gnon iU!.:1 • ( f U2J!Xi1N "lQ!J!liP 6U!JnJeiJ 'UQ]SQQ ' 'ih ~ By Christopher WaUace Globe Staff Sen. Joseph Moakley and Atty. David Nelson, the other two contestaruts in the Sept. 15 Democratic P,rimary for the seat, attended the forum, as did Independent candidate Daniel Routon. Republican Laurence Curtis declined the invitation. ..,f-it&;~.f'W.r~·e~,.-~t HSI:!. i ·in Congress race An aide to Mrs. Hicks said yesterday afternoon that she would participate in the program, although she might be late. When the forum ended at 10:15, however, Mrs. Hicks had neither appeared at the 5 Park st. auditorium nor sent an explanation of her absence. IT'S _A BUSY SPOT through which thousands of voters pass daily · and two of the candidates in the race, David Nelson of Roxbury, chairman of the Boston City Hospital trustees, and Sen. John J. Moakley of Dorchester, have taken billboard and bus advertising 1!-earby. The advertising of Nelson and Moakley discloses that both are assuming Mrs. Louise Day Hicks, the Boston city councilwoman, is the front-runner in the Congressional race. "Let's get it together before Louise does," says one Nelson poster. "Nut_for some. For Everyone," says another Nelson poster. "With Mrs. Hicks in Congress, Roxbury and the South End would be shut out completely," Nelson said recently. "Her election would mean the continued alienation from politics of Boston's black community," he said. Nelson feels his experience in federal-city relations through City Hospital and anti-poverty programs, his own work in the courts, and in thl:' 30 organizations he bel9ngs to, have given him not only political experience but also indicate that his co ~ Mrs. Hicl{s misses 2d confrontation SENATOR JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY (D. BOSTO~), left, candidate for Congress from the Ninth Congressional District, is shown above with Congressman Michael J. Harrington (D. - 6th Mass.) Congressman Har· rington, was in the Ninth District recently to campaign for Senator Moakley. Harrington said that Senator Moakley is the most qualified and urged support for Moakley's candidacy. l On Aug. 19, Mrs. Hicks also failed to attend a "Candidates Night" at the Trotter School in Roxbury. She said that scheduling difficulties prevented her appearance. �•••••••••••••••• Moakley, Nelson Take To Billboards By PAUL CORKERY Ridlng a.round the Forest Hills Square traffic rotary Is not one of the more conventlonaf ways of obtaining political Information In Boston, but as tar u the Ninth Congressfonal Demqcratic J"Timary fight is concerned, a ride around the square ls informative. At least a dozen biilbouds line the rotary, where streets from all over the district converge, and nearly halr or the billboardi. have been hired by candidates. Buses In the Ninth District-which includes most of Boston-swing through the MBTA Forest Hills terminal and they are covered with political advertising. IT'S A BUSY SPOT through which thousands of voters pass dally and two of the candidates Jn the race, David Nelson of Roxbury, chairman or the Boston City Hospital trustees, and Sen. John J. Moakley of Dorchester, have taken blllboard and bus advertising nearby. The advertising or Nelson and Moak!ey disrloses that both are assuming Mrs. Louise Day Hicks, the Boston city rouncilwoman, ls the front-runner in the Co11~ressional race. "Let's get It together before touise does," says one Nelson poster. "Not tor some. For Everyone," says another Nelson poster. "With Mrs. Hicks fn Conwess, Roxbury and the South End would be shut out completely," Nelson said recently. "Her election would mean the continued alienation from politfcs of Boston's black community," he sa!d. Nel<;on feels his experience In federal-city relations through City Hospital and anti-poverty programs, his own work In the courts, and in the 30 organizations h,e belongs' to, have given hilTI not -011ly political ex.perience but aho indicate that his concern ls with the entire district, not just Roxbury, .' / I Nelson said legislative experience is not as important a credential for a US representative as a strong sense of the problems of the area. "I've lived with those problems," he said. "YOU ONLY GET OUT or Congress what you put Into it," says one of stR.te Sen. John Joseph Moakley's three bus po,;ters. "It It weren't for Sen. Joe Moakley, they'd still be dumping waste Into Boston Har. bot," says another. The third reads "Joe MM.kley fights dirty •• , dirty water, dirty alr, dirty streets." A Moakley worker said re• cently, "W~~1,e11;J<ir1g-Mrd to show that Joe Is not Just an opportunist, we're t11'ing -to show that he's the only legislator In the race. "We want to show he's be€n an effective leg!slator," he said. "And Jt's clear to us that Mrs. "Hicks ls just running to keep her name Jn circn1.tlu,,. We don't think she's terribly interested in being In Con- gre.~s." BUT WHERE IS Mrs. Hicks in all this? She has nn bill· boards around Forest Hills square. The only advertising Mrs. Hicks has to speak or are the small posters people put up ln their front yards or hang from their porches. There are scores or these. however, In South Boston, Dorchester, and the North End. When City Councllman John L Saltonstall withdrew from the race three weeks ago he said that he could not hope to raise the money necessary to &pread his name about as widely as Mrs. Hicks' name already ls. Nelson, who is black, added that his election would bring a disenfranchised ininority that is tempted to take to the streets back into the political system. None of the three candidates remarked on Mrs, Hicks' absence. SENATOR JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY (D. BOSTON), left, candidate 1or Congress from the Ninth Congressional District, is shown above with Congressman Michael J. Harrington (D. - 6th Mass,) Congressman Harrington was in the Ninth District recently to campaign for Senator Moakley. Harrington said that Senator l\Ioakley is the most qualified and urged support for Moakley's candidacy. On Aug. 19, Mrs. Hicks also failed to attend a "Candidates Night" at the Trotter School in Roxbury. She said that scheduling difficulties prevented her appearance. �Mrs. Hiclis misses 2d confrontation in Congress race 9reasons whyyou should vote for Joe Meakley. By Christopher Wall.ace Globe Staff I .Al.. Housing As Chairman of the Joint House and Senate Committee on Urban Affairs,Joc Mo;:ik!cy is well acquainted with our city's problems. He knows the problems, and he has worked to solve them in all our neighborhoods. The housing legislation he has sponsored vnd supported is typical of his work. That included the banning of snob-zoning in our Sliburbs so that all of the people in our city can live wherever they choose. The practice of eviction or rent increase for ten,1nts reporting violation of the Sanitary Code was banned by Moakley legislation. And he has worked to make su re thM there will be no eviction from public housing without a hearing. Part of that legislation included a bill to require repl,1cement housing when any unit is destroyed by a public entity. Joe Moakley has fought for a cei ling on eld erly rents; a Home Ownership Assistance Fund; a measure to admit handicapped to elderly housing; and sever.i i measures to increase the supply of better housing all over the city. We need that kind of voice for the Citv of Boston in the Congress. \/\le need thM kind o(mnn who fights for the people. As your Congressman, Joe Moakley will keep up that fight. He will see to it that Federt1I money is directed into the City of Boston. And he will work for ,1 new age of People-First Politics. Pollution Control Someone has to le,1d the fight against pollution In Massachusetts it has been Joe Moakley. Nothing should stand in the w,1y of de.ming the air we breathe and the water we drink, our neighborhood streets and recreational areas. Even if it's something as big as the auto industry. Joe Moakley took on Detrolt with a bill that threatened to ban their present automobile engines If they continue to poison the air we bre,ithe with the cars they sel! And it was his bill that stopped the d~unping of deadly poisonous mercury and beryllium off Boston Harbor. He's sponso red legislation to s,we our beaches, clean the air, and clear the water. Joe Moakley can't win the fight ,1lone. He knows that it will take a new federal commitment to pollution control. And a lot more money along with that commltmenL As your Congressman, he will v,1ork for that commitment and that money. He'll work for the $1.5 billion it will t,1ke to cleiln Bo'>ton H.ubor and our beaches. And he will seek more strict controls against those who pollute. Co outside and t,1ke a deep breath. We need Joe Moakley in Congress so bad that you can tas te it. Hea lthCa re The people who need medical attention most can least ,1fford it. That is the s tate of health care in the world's wealthiest n,1tion. As a state legislator, Joe Moakley has fought for the right of every person in the city to adequate medical care. He has been,, s upporter of Medicaid and Medicare. He also supported creation of the Urriversity of Massachusetts Medical School to provide the trained personnel to handle our city's health care crisis. He has pushed for region,11 mental health clinics, and fought to require cities and towns to establish classes for children with hen ring impairment as well as for epileptics. As your Congressman, Joe Moakley will continue his fight for a complete n<1tion;:il health plan That means more new doctors and other qualified personnel. It mc,ms the establishment of neighborhood b.1~ed multi-service medic.ii centers. And H will mean a National Health Insurance plan to make certain that all our people can h,wc the best of care at all times. Joe Moakley is the man to take that fight to Washington. Minority Groups Consumer Protection This city can never grow big enough to accommodate hatred. And there must be solutions to ralial problems. Joe Moakley believes that all our minority groups, whether first-generation Americans, black, white, red, yellow, young or old have ;:i s take in this city, and mu st have a voice in decisions that will affect it. Senator Joe Mo0kley has often been th,,t voice. He is a m.:in who speuks for .rill of our neighborhoods. Whether he is sponsori ng a bill to b,1n snob-zon ing Jaws in the high priced suburb'>, vvhich prohiblt moderate Mld low income housing, or whether he is sponsoring .:i bill call ing for bi-lingual instruction in the schools for Spanic,h spe;:iking st udents. He believes th.it to solve the problems of housing, education, and employment is to solve the problems of all our minority groups. If elected, he will take"thosc behefs to Washington, and unfailingly pursue the dream of unity for all our people. As a State Senator, Joe Moakley has learned to deal with the federal regulatory ;:igencies. And he has learned to fight with them. Right now he is fighting the Atomic Energy Commission. They ,.v;:in t to operate ,1 nuclear power generating plant on the Connecticut River just 16 miles upstream from the intake pipe at Boston's Quabbin Reservoir. He has asked additional measures of sta te support fo r consumer protection. Joe Moakley was the first state legi slator to sponsor a bill requiring the cigarette rn,1nufacturers to show levels of t,u and nicotine on their pack,1ge labels. Joe Moakley helped establish the important truth-inlending laws. Ai,d he has fought for better insurance protection ilt a lower cost. It's n difficult fight. Becauo-e for too long now the regulatory agencies have been captives of the industries they Me supposed to regubte. He's tbe kind of legic,lntor who put<; people before big busine,;s. And he has been quick to clamp down on business when the consumer h,1s been forgotten in favor of bigger profits. As your Congressman, he 1,•ill work to see that the federal agencles re,1\ly regubte. He wd! continue to work for the people and their right to consumer protection. Crime in the Streets V\le face a cr isis in Boston. There is a crisis in our city when decent people can't walk the streets ;:ifter dark. There is a crisis when desperate young people turn to crime to sup port the terrible disease of drug addiction. Joe Moakley h,1s worked to meet the crisis in Boston. He has sponsored legislation to put more and better paid policemen on the streets. He has also strengthened the required police education. Joe Moakley sponsored a tough gun control bw. And as c i1 airman of the Specinl Commission on Crime .ind Violence, he is working to investig,1te new ways of preventing violent crime committed by juveniles. Senator Moakley ha s fought for tl,e creation of centers for the rehabilitation of drug addicts, ,ind has worked to deal a deadly legal blow to the pushers of drugs. But the fight agilinst cr ime .:ind violen ce ha s to begin with a massive dedic;ition of fcdcrc1l money to the crisis. As your Congressman, Joe Mo,1kley will fight for the right kinds of expenditures to make our city streets safe. And to s,we our young frorn the scourge of hard drugs. 1.< Vietna m Economy The war in Vietnam must end. Our boys who have fougl1t so bravely and sacrificed so willingly for their country have ~ccomplished what \,•e set out to do there. They h<1ve in.,ured free elections for the people ,,nd trained them to defend themselvec;. Now they must be brought home. Joe Moakley believe'> that. l \e s,1ys th.it ;:i.:; .:i m;in who know s w.1r: .i nun who cnlbted in the N.wy <1t the age of 15 to fight in the South P,1eific during World War II. He knows wh,,t this war is dolng to out' country. And he know'- the pres<;ing need<; uf our country c.rnnot be met until the w,u h,is ended. Ending the war -,hould be ,1 beginning of .1 redirection of our national priori tic<;. Monev h,1<; to he -,hifted from defen~e contr.1cts with big corpor,1tion<; to the people and our citie.,. As your Cong1·e~._111.rn, Joe Mo,1klcy will wurl.. tow,1rd th.it go,d. He will wnrk to redlrcct feder,1l 1noncy to our neighborhood!'<, he.11th i.:.irc, hou.,..ing ,md educ,1tion. Joe Mo,1k!ey wants to go to Washington to use the full powers of the Federal government to curb the soaring inflation and i.7nemployment that haye hit our city people the hardest Part of that solution is in redirecting Federal overspending on the War and defense contracts. Another part is looking at factors like our extraordinarily high power r,1\es, ,ind the equally high costs of home heJting fuels here in New England. In Washington he'll work to curb these exorbit,rnt rates. He'll also work to get a cost of living ;:idjustment in socit1l security checks and in the checks to other fixedincome persons living in the city. That's the kind of effort we'll need from our Congressman to fight inCTation ;ind reduce unemployment. And it's the kind of effort we've gotten here in Mass,1~ chusetts from Joe Moakley. Councilman Louise Day Hicks again missed a confrontation with her opponents in the Ninth Congressional District race when she failed to attend a forum last night at the Paulist Center. An aide to Mrs. Hicks .said yesterday afternoon that she would participate in the program, although she might be late. When the forum ended at 10:15, however, Mrs. Hicks had neither appeared at the 5 Park st. auditorium nor sent an explanation of her absence. preventive detention where it could be demonstrated that the accused might commit another crime otherwise. He added that such action was tolerable only if the accused was assigned a trial date in the immediate future and if he was not held in a prison. Nelson and Houten both opposed preventive d etention as unconstitutional. Nelson said he oppased McGovern - Hatfield amendment to end the war by the end of 1971 because it does not end American involvement in Indochina soon enough. the He favored the l1berali- Sen. Joseph Moakley and zati0Jl of conscientious ob- Atty. David Nelson, the jector standards to include objection to a particular war. He backed elimination of the dra!t. other two contestanis in the Sept. 15 Democratic pri- mary for the seat, attended the forum, as did Independent candidate Daniel Routon. Republican Laurence Curtis declined the invitation. · Moakley told the audience of 400 that he favored Routon, a Vietnam veteran, proposed the declaration of an immediate ceasefire in the Asian war. He added that since the United States intervened in Vietnam, it must bring the war to a solution and cannot simply withdraw. Moakley opposed the establishment of a volunteer army, saying the draft has probably contributed to the "hue and cry" against the war. He supported the McGovern-Hatfield amendment. Moakley said he was the only candidate in the race with legislative experience, noting his 14 years in ti. State House. "The US Con,.~ gress is no place for onthe-job training," he said. .....------·· ~ relations through City Hospital anti-poverty programs his own work in the court.'5, m th~ 30 organizations he belongs to, have glven hi'm not only politlc~l experience al.so indicate that his and and Nelson said legislative experience is not as important a credential for a US representative as a strong sense of the problems of the area. 11 I've lived with those problems," he said. .ill ·pyo, lj'f' 'Llitp L WidO ·uDn~1, iU1 . f uei!Ol'j ~l"IO!~<i•P 5u11n1n1 'uo~os. ~-ih S.LdVtl[lF .LS Nelson, who is black, added that his election would bring a disenfranchised ininority that is tempted to take to the streets back into the political system. ,~,u~11 /11f:;) 'tPQOJfiS'. "VijjiW'f put lei\ •ltlCJ ,-...q.r,1 ~nfi WfAlij 0,01 '((~j: ''1iUtlJ ''l$ INll•i" iii put ("MPS PiOOi:JI "!iip.l "i'Ul!il~ H!lfll '!lUi~lAt pom!dlAIU(\ ·;"'I ·oztii·E 'f1 ·,,111..1Js ~"i~je~ iil:f ·11u1 ·w" poJ.IOUWJ "lJHSB01 'SdOH:l ')l"f.U'i:i N!Ol~ 1.Ui1il1IM ··1; 100l,l'S i6t ·5n'f' 'A1~r ';iunr ··u, None of the three candi dates remarked on Mrs. Hicks' absence. 11n1,1-,uijr.v1-111i1'Jtu11w~!llVt~•as-1 S.LNV/:1.[lF .L' s ~ 0 i e • UICO ·;iozt·1Lli ·n \ti] IJ!!d~;i.1. \I l ·1~0,u "'••• ""'''"S ~1:111r11 'Sl!Wl~lO) 'S11r•1~ 111 ,I 'OSl>·E. Wl ·mnb!J ,~, UU•ft '>11eQ11 '1~01s ·1111 '·~lJ ~i"w ·vz ·1;;in.o,? 1!1llj'.ln: "Ovt-Z·~6S N.110.L SENATOR JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY (D. BOSTOiq), left, candidate for Congress from the Ninth Congressional District. is shown above with Congressman Michael J. Harrington (D. - 6th Mass.) Congressman Harrington was in the Ninth District recently to campaign for Senator Moakley. Hanington said that Senator j Moakley is the most qualified and urged support for Moakley's candidacy. I On Aug. 19, Mrs. Hicks also failed to attend a "Candidates Night" at the Trotter School in Roxbury. She said that scheduling difficulties pr-evented her appearance. �MOAKLEY CONFIDENT HE WILL SUCCEED MC CORMACK Senator John J6seph Moakley,(D - Boston), candidate for Congress from the 9th Congressional Di strict, has expressed confidence as Sept. 15 nears that the voters willelect him to succeed the retiring John W. McCormack. Moakley, who now holds the Senatorial seat which , McCormack held prior to his going to Washington, has stressed his fourteen years , of effective legislative experience. Moakley served four terms in the Mass House· of Representatives where he 1 , became the youngest 1 ; majority whip in the history of the Commonwealth. He is serving his third term in the State Senate where he is Chairman of the Joint House and Senate Urban Affairs Conmittee. Moakley has received strong support district-wide for his legislative accomplishments in he and anti-pollution control. Moakley commented, 'The voters of the 9th District have more intelligence and insight into the issues than some candidates and columnists would lead you to believe. They know that slogans alone do not solve problems. In most cases slogans are a cynical cover-up for lack of knowledge of ·the issues and their solutions.' He added, 'I have campaigned on the issues and I have offered solutions. That's the type of candidate the people of the Ninth vVant to send to Washington. A man with a proven record of legislative accomplishments.' Moakley has made a special appeal to the independent voters of the Ninth to support his candidacy. Moakley has · stressed that with the overwhelming Democratic majority in the District that the primary fields of housing, law will decide who will succeed enforcement, elderly affairs, John W. McCormack. - - ------ •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• These people thinkJoe • awinner. Teamsters Local No. 25. National Association of Government Employees Metropolitan Police Patrolmen's Association Brotherhood of Railway & Steamship Clerks Massachusetts Legislative Council for Older ' Americans Associated Fire Fighters of Massachusetts Massachusetts Chiefs of Police Association Bakers and Confectionery Workers International of America Local No. 208 Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers Joint Council No. 10. Bere'swhy think.so. Joe Moakley made Rent Control a law. His law banned snob zoning in the suburbs. He sponsored a housing package that has been cal led the most comprehensive in the country. He fought for Truth in Lending Laws. He fought for Unit-pricing legislation for the consumer. His Urban Affairs Committee fought to stop Route 95. He fought for a strict gun control law . . He sponsored a bill to require local approval of all road routes. He supported the regional mental health clinics in Dorchester and North Dorchester. He led a legislative committee to alleviate aircraft noise from Logan Airport. He sponsored a plan for the state to pay for transportation of mentally retarded children to clincs and schools. VOTE SEPTEMBER 15 Attorney Daniel W. Healy, 43 Roslin Street, Dqrchester, Mass. ley's r' �9 •••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~ ~ ~ '-"' ~ �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~ �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~ �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �- ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• - -- 10 --~-------- Boston's Congressional fight bears little resen~blance to real- the issues to be able to talk by Sandford Stoane ( The author, a pseudonymn, ity. In realitv, Saltonstall is prob- beyond the gut reaction level. was on the Saltonstall campaign ably more liberal on most of And this failure is underscored staff. He is presently not work- the issues than any of the other by two recent events. When Saltonstall was asked if ing or endorsinu any other can- candidates, including Nelson. didate in the ninth district for But because of Saltonstall's he supported one of the other the reasonj described here- dignified and reserved manner, candidates, he replied that at many voters probably perceive this time he would not support in .-ed.) With Councilor John L. Sal- him as conservative, ·and had anyone, but wait to hear what tonstall's withdrawal from the he been more forceful and "lib- · they had to say about the issues Ninth District democratic con- eral appearing" he may have first. He further noted that only t gressional primary race, the been even stronger , han he i,s Moakley was conducting the kind of issue-oriented campaign strategy, and indeed the hopes now. As far as issues go, though, that Saltonstall himself would and aspirations of the other three contenders have changed he is usually diametrically op- have run had he obtained the posed to Louise Day Hicks' money needed to continue. That significantly. It is interesting to note that, stands in the Ci ty Council. No statement said two things: 1. according to the newspapers, all one really know, however, what Nelson hadn't w.aged an issuethree feel that their chances of there difference would have oriented campaign. 2. Saltonwinning the September 15th pri- been on campaign issues, as stall wouldn't support anyone mary are better with Salsonstall Hicks has never stated her who didn't, though he might out of the race. This is much to views. And the long promi,sed have been prsonally inclined in the City Councillor's credit, for, Hicks position papers have not favor of one of the candidates. if the other three candidates are yet materialized. She has shunSecondly, in his press confercorrect in stating that they will ned every issue-oriented com- ence held right after the Saleach be the prime beneficiary of munity or political meeting, as tonstall withdrawal, Dave Nelthe withdrawal, it means that well. son challenged Hicks, and only Moakley, though perceived Hicks, to a public debate on the Saltonstall must have had very by some as the typical old fash- issues. Some say that Nelson's broad based appeal. But the fact is that only one, ioned Trish Bostonian politician failure to even mention Moakin actuality, will be the prime from South Boston who is in- ley once, in tl-ie press interview beneficiary of the 19% of the terested only in patronage, is was a political move to get the primary vote which the Boston really qutie liberal, and- above voters to believe there were Globe Becker poll attributes to all, extremely we;J-versed on the only two candidates, Hicks and issues . He has, without any Nelson. If this, is the reason, Jock Saltonsta'll. In the press conference in question, the largest and best Nelson is being/q~ ~ naive, bewhich Jock announced his with- equipped research staff of any cause Moak!~ is formidable, drawal he intimated that indeed of the remaining candidates, and providing the reputed financial all the other candidates would at political meetings his familia- financial troubles and possible probably get almost equal shares rity with the issues and legis- local political frctions and fraof his vote, based on information lation, his knowledge of the cuses with the unions can be he had gathered from his own latest findings in most fields, remedied. Oliver Quayle poll. But, he went and his proclivity toward the But, in Neslon's position, he on to say the breakdown would more progressive and creative could hardly have challenged probably favor Nelson most, solutions to pressing problems is Moakley to a public debate on then Moakley and least of all quite noticeabre. Most of the the issues as he had done with traditional liberals are quick to Hicks. Louise Hicks, because in open Of course the problem in in- condemn him, mainly because of debate Moakley could easily i s re. 1 ' o 'el s co.i:e · statistic.. · bea e1son, ana 1cK.s ro r a has been narrow-minded. But method used to compute the matter. His command of the statistic. For example, since it as Moakley himself pointed out material is established, and his is reputed that Nelson has about at a recent ADA chapter meet- willingness to stage an issue7% of the primary vote, which ing, he is only human and has oriented campaign is well docusome place at being about made some mistakes in his legis- mented by the fact that he is 85,000, it would mean that, if lative career which he admits the only candidate to have pubNelson were to gain 50% of Sal- and even regrets. But had the lished a relatively detailed (and tonstall's vote, he would jump liberals exercised the open overly lengthy, perhaps) camfrom 7% of the pie to over 16%, mindedness they talk_ so much paign brochure in which Joe a net gain of over 125% for Nel- about, they would try . to work Moakley talks about the nine son. But if Hicks were to get more closely with him, especial- most pressing problems, from the same 50% of the Salton- ly now that the traditional and the War to housing stall 19%, then she would only well-established liberal, . John That's quite courageous for increase her share of the over- Saltonstall, is out of the running a politician in the ninth conthis particular race. all vote bv 1ess than 25%. So, for although · Nelson and Hicks Moakley has one trait which is gressional district, a district in could get equal numbers of the con~icuously missing from the which the usual maxim is "the Saltonstall vote, it would seem, other two people running for less said the better." And the using this interpretation, that Comrress in the Ninth who could maxim has seemed to be true . "f one loots Nelson was attaining about fiv times (t·he difference betwe~· 25% gain and 125% gain) th advantage by Saltonstall's with drawal. This is why Saltonstall' statement that Nelson woulc benefit most may be misleading SlUl?::>![ddy 'UJOl;:JJ ,faql l{O!q~, One can learn little about th< 11 Ol 'l?:Ull ;;)ql uo SlUl?dP!lJP.d ;;)q; true beneficiary of Saltonstan•?l !P JO plld-W! a1q!ssod pull dlqllqoJd move by examining and com· pu-e Oql pull ~;;)lll~ium,uwo:, Ol Al!l!q,t paring how each of the candi-\ !SUO!,lllZ!Ul?i!JO IllUop-eu JO 'I' dates stand on the issues, tori U! ·U0!2;;)J 'lll:,Ol U! lU;;)W;;)A;;)!q:,-e Sl the polls taken clearly show thatP lU q:,ns SUO!l'll~!J!lt?nb JO S!St?q ;;)q the average voter's perception{1qt? UO U;;)SOq::> ;;)q Il!-M SlUt!dp!l.llld of the candidate moSlt oftenV lOJct eaa :>UIS ood 'UO!lllA.I;;)SUO:> }S sw;:,1q0Jd Ol pu-e UO!lfll!Od J;;)ll!A' 1 pu'l? l!'l? q10q JO UO!lfi{OS ;;)ql 0 UO!lDqµlUO:> l'l?!lU;;)lod S,A20I0l -~l dZ!s-eqdwa ll!M w-e.120.1 -..'O'" Y- • ~-""-Y:-"C! Tt'"\'T T n I'll TT~Jf . Boston politics ... ( Continued from page 2) of federal government, he was the target for the wrath of Sen. Joe McCarthy, and also a Chairman of the st,atc ADA. But he is not running, and the alternatives are Moakley and Nelson (and Routon as an independent). Nelson unfortunately, has demonstrated no ability to handle issues beyond the gut reactive level - the "bull" level. Moreover, it seems he bases much of his campaign around personality, emphasizing that a prime reason he should be elected is because he is black. No doubt, if he were equally qualified as the other candidates, a ,black Congressman would be most desirable. But, that is a big "if" and one whioh hasn't been satisfied yet. Moakley has the image of an old time conservative. His record is somewhat conservative, enough so that one should support him only most cautionsly, if at all. But he is knowledgeable, willing to listen to new ideas and use them, anxious to become a liberal, and has a good political instinct, seasoned by many years in the game. Moreover, he has a strong political base already, and promises to cultivate it wisely. A real potential may be Dan Routon. Tf he can rid himself of the image, like Moakley's, of an old fashioned Trish politician, l he may, in years to come, attract strong liberal support, and prove to he an effective legislator. �. •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• . Boston's Congressional fight by Sandford Stoane bean little resen' blance to real- the issues to be able to talk ( The author, a pseudonymn , itv. Tn realitv, Sal·onstall is prob- beyond the gut reaction level. was on the Saltonstall campaign ably more liberal on most of And this failure is underscored staff. He is prPsently not work- the issues than any of the other by two recent events. ing or endorsinl( any other can- candidates. including Nelson. When Saltonstall was asked if didate in the ninth district for But because of SaltonstaJJ's he supported one of the other the reason3 described here- dignified and reserved manner, candidates, he replied that at in.-ed.) many voters probably perceive this time he would not support With Councilor John L. Sal- him as conservative, and had anyone, but wait to hear what tonstall's withdrawal from the he been more forceful and "lib- they had to say about the issues Ninth District democratic con- era! appearing" he may have first. He further noted that only gressional primary race, the been even stronger than he is Moakley was conducting the strategy, and indeed the hopes now. kind of issue-oriented campaign and aspirations of the other As far as issues go, though, that Saltonstall himself would three contenders have changed he is usually diametrically op- have run had he obtained the significantly. posed to Louise Day Hicks' money needed to continue. That It is interesting to note that, stands in the Ci,y Council. No statement said two things: I. according to the newspapers, all one really know, however, what Nelson hadn't waged an issuethree feel that their chances of there difference would have oriented campaign. 2. Saltonwinning the September l 5th pri- been on campaign issues, as stall wouldn't support anyone mary are better with Salsonstall Hicks has never stated her who didn't. though he might out of the race . This is much to views. And the long promised have been prsonally inclined in the City C'ouncillor's credit, for, Hicks position papers have not favor of one of the candidates. if the other three candidates are yet materialized . She has shunSecondly, in his press confercorrect in stating that they will ned every issue-oriented com- ence held right after the Saleach be the prime beneficiary of munity or political meeting, as tonstall withdrawal , Dave Netthe withdrawal, it means that well. son challenged Hicks, and only Saltonstall must have had very Moalrley, though perceived Hicks, to a public debate on the broad based appeal. by some as the t !pical old fash- issues. Some say that Nelson's But the fact is that only one, ioned Trish Bostoni an politician fa ilure to even mention Moakin actuality, will be the prime from South Bo\,On who is in- ley once in t'ie press interview beneficiary of the 19% of the terested only in patronage, is was a political move to get the primary vote which the Boston really qutie liberal. and- above voters to believe there were Globe Becker poll attributes to all. extremely we1 l-versed on the only two candidates, Hicks and issues . He has, without any Nelson. If this J is the reason, Jock Saltonstall. In the press conference in question, the largest and best Nelson is being/q ,. _ naive, bewhich Jock announced his with- equipped research staff of any cause Moaklgi is formidable, drawal he intimated that indeed of the remaining .. andidates, and providing the reputed financial all the other candidates would at political met"tings his familia- financial troubles and possible probably get almost equal shares rity with the is~ues and legis- local political frctions and fraof his vote, ba,ed on information lation, his knowledge of the cuses with the unions can be he had gathered from his own latest findings in most fieldl1, remedied. Oliver Quayle poll. But, he went and his proclivity toward the on to say the breakdown would more progressive and creative But, in Neslon's position, he probably favor Nelson most, solutions to pressing problems is could hardly have challenged then Moakley and least of all quite noticeabTe. Most of the M<>akley to a public debate on Hicks. traditional liberals are quick to the issues as he had done with Of course the problem in in- condemn him, mainly because of Louise Hicks, because in open roretin anv tatis.tic.. j the- hi re . rcj '..L1....i1.· ~uel,Ll,!.it,_ d_ ba t,e ._oakley could easily = i'ii. e _ _ ~~M 11 method used to compute the has been narrow-minded . But oe e on, ana tc s m a statistic. For example, since it as Moakley himself pointed out matter. His command of the is reputed that Nelson has about at a recent ADA chapter meet- material is established, and his 7% of the primary vote. which ing. he is only human and has willingness to stage an issuesome place at being about made some mistakes in his legis- oriented campaign is well docu85,000. it would mean that, if lative career which he admits mented by the fact that be is Nelson were to gain 50% of Sal- and even regrets. But had the the only candidate to have pubtonstall's vote , he would jump liberals exercised the open lished a relatively detailed (and from 7% of the pie to over 16%, mindedness they talk so much overly lengthy, perhaps) cama net gain of over 125% for Ne!- about, they would try to work paign brochure in which Joe ~on . But if Hicks were to get more closely with him , especial- Moakley talks about the nine the same 50% of the Salton- ly now that the traditional and most pressing problems, from stall 19%. then she would only well-established liberal, John the War to housing increase her share of the over- Saltonstall, is out of the running That's quite courageous for all vote bv Jess than 25%. So, for this particular race. a politician in the ninth conalthough Nelson and Hick~ Moakley has one trait which is gressional district, a district in could get equal numbers of the conspicuously missing from the which the usual maxim is "the Saltonstall vote . it would seem, other two people running for less said the better." And the using this interpretation, that Congress in the Ninth who could maxim has seemed to be true Nelson was attaining about five conceivably be adapted by t,hc in the past, if one looks at times (the difference between liberal establishment: a demon- Louise Day Hicks' record. 25% gain and J 25% gain) the strated ability to deal with the But maybe Joe Moakley advantage by Saltonstall's with- important issues knows something which the proDan Routon, a thirty year old fessional who looks at votefll drawal. This is why Saltonstall's statement that Nelson would Vietnam veteran and former merely as statistics have begun benefit most may be misleading. graduate student of Tufts' Flet- to suspect this year; the disOne can learn little about the cher School, is running as an trict has drastically changed true beneficiary of Saltonstall's independent. He has great po- from a conserative personality move by examining and com- tential as a political leader in oriented population to one which paring how each of the candi- Boston, and undobtedly, had he is intensely aware of the issues, dates stand on the issues, for been freed of the necessary tri- interested in how they will be the polls taken clearly show that vial which a candidate must en- handled, and quite progressive the average voter's perception dure, and had he the staff to in their views of the way to of the candidate m09t oftep support him. it is quite evident solve problems. that he has the brains and In assessing the three remainenergy to be knowledgeable on ing candidates for the primary, the issues and solutions. But, we can easily reject Hicks as a n't demonstrated this yet. viable candidate because her bisthe apparent tory clearly s-how5 she purposef the out-of- fully appeals to the voters' bas~• ct 110 !T'W.-~uertainly of est emotions and prejudices, and the college population. has de- indeed tries to solve political monstrated an egregious and problems in the same emotional, self-admitted lack of expertise on prejudicial way. i,sues and legislation. This is Saltonstall would have made both disappointing and surpris- the best candidate for Congress ing because the Youth Caucus, because he clearly had the best which claimed to have a follow- grasp of the issues and legislaing of over 1500 college stu- tion at hand. Moreover, he had dents, has supported him . With an established record as a prosuch a strong student following gressive politician in hls term he should have, by this late in the City Council. His liberal date in the campaign, not only credentials are extensive, dating formulated and published a de- back to the early I 950's when, tailed policy statement, but also as an attorney for a department (Continued on page 3 ) have been adequately briefed on Boston politics ... (Continued from pa,Ie 2) of federal government, he was the target for the wrath of Sen. Joe McCarthy, and also a Chairman of the state ADA. But he is not running, and the alternatives are Moakley and Nelson (and Routon as an independent) . Nelson unfortunately, has demonstrated no ability to handle issues beyond the gut reactive level - the "bull" level. Moreover, it seems he bases much of his campaign around personality, emphasizing that a prime reason he should be elected is because he is black. No doubt, if he were equally qualified as the other candidates, a black Congressman would be most desirable. But, that is a big "if" and one whioh hasn't been satisfied yet. Moakley has the image of an old time conservative. His record is somewhat conservative enough so that one should sup~ port him only most cautionsly, if at all. But he is knowledgeable, willing to listen to new ideas and use them, anxious to become a liberal, and has a good political instinct, seasoned by many years in the game. Moreover, he has a strong political base already, and promises to cultivate it wisely. A real potential may be Dan Routon. Tf he can rid himself of the image. like Moakley's, of an old fashioned ~rish politician, 1 he may, in years to come, attract strong liberal support, and prove to be an effective legislator. �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• POLITICAL CIRCUIT By ROBERT HE~LY Hicks the issue, no·matter what There is really only one issue in the Ninth Congressional District contest for the Democratic nomination. It is Louise Day Hicks. From the beginning the only contest betw~en State Sen. John J . Moakley and David Nelson, a black lawyer and chairman of the board of Boston City Hospital, is to establish which has the better chance of defeating Mrs. Hicks. There is no doubt among Hicks supporters or opponents about where she stands. You don't take votes from Mrs. Hicks. She has them and she keeps them. She has demonstrated this time and again. Nor does it do any good to praise her or condemn her. It does not change a thing. So, in ,t he Ninth District, a good political tactician blocks out the Hicks vote, gives that to her and proceeds to get what he or she can of what is left. That's where Nelson comes in. If one reads the changes in his billboards they tell most of it. He began with a poster which read: "Not for some but for everyone." The point was that he was not simply appealing to the black community for votes. He counted on them. As a trustee of City Hospital and as a Catholic, he had done the Holy Name circuit in the West Roxbury, Roslindale and Dorchester churches and had hoped he was fairly well known in the white areas. Then came the first independent poll of the district-The 'Globe's Massachusetts· Poll taken by Becker Research. It showed Hicks with 37 percent, Moakley 14 and Nelson 5. SEN. MOAKLEY Further, it showed that in the North DorchesterRoxbury area, predominantly black, only 10 percent of the voters there would have voted for Nelson. He says the response to the poll surprised even him. "There must have been 30 people in the office· that next day," he said. Nelson was never the camdidate of the bLack militants. He had support in the community but had not really turned on. The poll did it. ' Then came a change in str,ategy. The first billboards carried no picture. Thre second did. It showed blacks that a black was a candidate. The purpose was to secure the base that originally, Nelson had felt was secure. In the Ninth District the popula,tion is 24 percent black. If thiey are registered and vote, it will give him a conside:r,able edge. _,.,__ _.!;:_:~ere N elso ' Wh be ·questioned is that 1 668 ~ · pa1101su1 MOAKLEY'S HOUSING LEGISLATION SIGNED - Senator John Joseph Moakley <D-Boston). candidate for Congress from the Ninth Congressional District (left), is shown above with Governor Sargent at the special signing of Moakley's housing legislation. At the signing Governor Sargent hailed the Moakley housing package as the most innovated and aggressive in this State's history. Moakley, Chairman of the Urban Affairs Committee is a State leader in this field ot hous;~ - -= ...,· ......--=====-----=====-==-""""'""""""""'--~-----~•,, ... Moakley Charges Hicks Against Rent Payers Senator John Joseph Moakley CD-Boston), candidate for Congress in the Ninth Congressional District, stated today that Mrs. Louise Day Hicks "has voted against the rent payers of Boston and in favor of absentee landlords three times durjng her brief role as a Bostori.eizy Councillor." Noting that 70 percent of the persons within the Ninth District are renters, Moakley said; My opponent has consistently refused to appear with me at the public forums that have been made available to discuss the issues in this campaign. "Nevertheless, on this particular issue - rent control the public record shows clearly that we have been on opposite sides. I have taken the side of the rent payer; she has sided ·with the absentee landlord and {ainst the rent payer. :- "I pushed through the Legislature last month theBostonRent Control Bill designed to strengthen Boston's rent control ordinance and give rent payers additional rights against landlords. "Mrs. Hicks on July 27, 1970, voted against a measure which would prevent unjust evictions by My unscrupulous landlords. legislation prevents such evictions. '' Mrs. Hicks voted on the same date against a measure which would impose criminal or civil penalties for landlords violating the rights of tenants. My legislation uses December, 1968 rent levels as a basis to determine reasonable rents. "These votes are a matter ol. public recotd. I urge the voters in the Ninth Congressional District to examine the records of all the candidates on this issue and all the other issues confronting us in the primary election this Tuesday." �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• POLITICAL CIRCUIT By ROBERT IlEALY Hicks the issue, no matter what There is really only one issue in the Ninth Congressional District contest for the Democratic nomination. It is Louise Day Hicks. From the beginning the only contest betw~en State Sen. John J. Moakley and David Nelson, a black lawyer and chairman of the board of Boston City Hospital, is to establish which has the better chance of defeating Mrs. Hicks. There is no doubt among Hicks supporters or opponents about where she stands. You don't take votes from Mrs. Hicks. She has them and she keeps them. She has demonstrated this time and again. Nor does it do any good to praise her or condemn her. It does not change a thing. So, in ,t he Ninth District, a good political tactician blocks out the Hicks vote, gives that to her and proceeds to get what he or she can of what is left. That's where Nelson comes in. If one reads the changes in his billboards they tell most of it. He began with a poster which read: "Not for some but for everyone." The point was that he was not simply appealing to the black community for votes. He counted on them. As a trustee of City Hospital and as a Catholic, he had done the Holy Name circuit in the West Roxbury, Roslindale and Dorchester churches and had hoped he was fairly well known in the white areas. Then came the first independent poll of the district-The Globe's Massachusetts Poll taken by Becker Research. It showed Hicks with 37 percent, Moakley 14 and Nelson 5. Further, it showed that SEN. MOAK.LEY in the North DorchesterRoxbmy area, predominantly black, only 10 percent of the voters there would have voted for Nelson. He says the response to the poll surprised even him. "There must have been 30 people in the office that next day," he said. Nelson was never the carnrlidate of the b1ack militants. He had support in the community but had not really turned on. The poll did it. · Then came a change in straitegy. The first billboards carried no picture. The second did. It showed blacks that a black was a candidate. The purpose was to secure the base that originally, Nelson had felt was secure. In the Ninth District the population is 24 percent black. If they are registered and vote, it will give him a consideI1able edge. Where Nelson's strategy ma,y be questioned is that he believes that the stronger Moakley runs the more he (Moakley) takes away from Mrs. Hicks and the better chance he (Nelson) has of winning. Now the third change in the Nelson billboard has gone up. It says: "Get it together OT Louise will." This, of course, has two aims. First, it says that either Nelson wins or Mrs. Hicks wins, and, second, it is a message to the blacks that they had better get out the vote or they will be represented by Hicks policies in Congress. Many of the workers around Nelson are issue DAVID NELSON oriented. Both he and Moakley appear at all rallies and candidates nights. They debate. They diff , but the differences are 1,hades rather than basic. Mrs. Hicks has not yet engaged m these debates. The voters, then, have a pretty fai r idea where Nelson and Moakley stand on the issues. Mrs. Hicks's supporters do not need any exposition. "You know where I stand," she has said, and she does not have to debate to support this statement. What this contest could come down to then, is how the non-Hicks vote breaks. Nelson believes that the 24 percent black population gives him a stronger base than Moakley. In debates Nelson has argued that he know11 wh.1t the people in the district want and will be respon iv to this in Congress. Moakley states that he has a record of response to then· needs. There may be some votes in this argument. But the decisive issue does not change. It is Mrs. Hicks, and the contest between Nelson and Moakley is certainly at this stage a matter of who has the better chance of defeating her. MOAKLEY'S HOUSING LEGISLATION SIGNED - Senator John Joseph Moakley <D-Boston), candidate for Congress from the Ninth Congressional District (left ), is sh~wn. above with gn_mg ~vern~r Governor Sargent at the special signing of Moakley's hou s~ng legis lation. At the ~1 Sargent hailed th e Moakley housing package as the most mno va!ed and aggress1v~ m tJ:iis ~ate s history. Moakley, Chairman of the Urban Affa irs Committee 1 a State leade r rn this field ol s housi~ - - ·----- - ---===-=--==~=-------,--- - - - Moakley Charges Hicks Against Rent Payers Senator John Joseph Moakley CD-Boston), candidate for Congress in the Ninth Congressional District, stated today that Mrs. Louise Day Hicks " has voted against the rent payers of Boston and in favor of absentee landlords three times durjng her brief role as a BostollZicy Councillor." Noting that 70 percent of the persons within the Ninth District are renters, Moakley said; My opponent has consistently r efused to appear with me at the public forums that have been made available to discuss the issues in this campaign. "Nevertheless, on this particular issue - rent control the public record shows clearly that we have been on opposite sides. I have taken the side of the rent payer; she has sided with the absentee landlord and 1ainst the rent payer. " I pushed through the Legisiature last month theBostonRent Control Bill designed to strengthen Boston's rent control ordinance and give rent payers additional rights against landlords. "Mrs. Hicks on July 27, 1970, voted against a measure which would prevent unjust evictions by My unscrupulous landlords. legislation prevents such evictions. " Mrs. Hicks voted on the same date against a measure which would impose criminal or civil penalties for landlords violating the rights of tenants. My legislation uses December, 1968 rent levels as a basis to determine reasonable rents. "These votes are a matter of. public recotd. I urge the voters in the Ninth Congressional District to examine the records of all the candidates on this issue and all the other issues confronting us in the primary election this Tuesday." �·····························~!••••••••••~••••••••••,• Thomas C. Gallagher Mrs.~Hicks' Lead Trimmed The more cynical may suggest that Mrs. Hicks was guilty of a conflict 'of interest, although no such charge· is being made by Moakley. Mrs. Louise Day Hicks retains the lead In her campaign for the Democratic nomination for Congress in the Ninth District, but the lead appears to be shrinking. The veteran state senator is zeroing in hard on the issue, however, considering it the type of bread-and-butter issue which could bring him victory on Sept. Mrs. Hicks has been hurt by the rent control issue because of her votes In the Boston City Council and, as a result, her principal opponent, Sen. John J. Moakley of South Boston, Is closing the gap. Also gathering momentum ts the bid of a bright young lawyer, David Nelson of Roxbury, to break through In the Ninth District and wrest the Democratic Congressional nomination from both Mrs. Hicks and Moakley. Nelson, a Negro, has to be considered the underdog at this point, but he is working hard, has a well-organized campaign, and is by no means being written off. MRS. HICKS REMAINS the candidate to beat, but those who a few short weeks ago were saying she would steamroller ~. ' HE IS NOT ONLY stressing the recorded votes of Mrs. Hicks but pointing to his own endeavors to put an end to rent gouging and arbitrary evictions of tenants. This ls the main thrust of the bill enacted by the legislature this year-a HICKS bill, incidentally, which would have gone down the legislative drain during .the occupied by the owner as his permanen [ · throes of prorogation had it not beerf for residence. Moakley. The same bill also makes it more Whether the rent control issue, and difficult for landlords to evict tenants, the surprising fact that Mrs. Hicks has thereby preventing arbitrary or capri- turned out to be an absentee landlord · cious evictions by landlords. herself, will be big enough to tum wnat . IN SUBSTANCE, It allows for rent increases made necessary by renovations, repairs, cost-of-living, and the like. It provides guidelines for the landlord, and a forum of appeal for the tenant. On July 27, the City Council adopted an order approving a petition for a special law concerning rent control, and containing a fair net operating income standard for landlords. The motion was carried in a five to four vote. Mrs. Hicks was one of those voting against the motion. MOAKLEY Moakley and Nelson are having some second thoughts. At least 70 per cent of the residents of the Ninth District, which is comprised of 15 of Boston's 22 wards, are rerit-payers. Yet Mrs. Hicks, as a member of the City Council, has consistently voted against rent controls. Moakley, on the other hand, is generally credited with steering through the legislature a bill permitting the city to establish, by ordinance, rent controls in housing accommodations having three or more dwelling. units, excluding motels, hotels and inns, and excluding housing accommodations in structures having three dwelling units one of which is She also voted against an order approving a special law relative to civil remedies and criminal penalties for rent control violations, and extending rent control coverage to three or more nonowner occupied dwelling units, but the motion carried, five to four. The former chairman of the Boston School Committye was also on the losing side in the vote on a motion in favor of a special bill to establish eviction controls by ordinance. THE RECORD thus shows that Mrs. Hicks, on three separate occasions,. voted against rent controls and this could be politically damaging with the high number of rent-payers in the Ninth District. The votes of Mrs. Hicks become doubly significant with the disclosure that she herself ls an absentee landlord, ownIng apartment houses at 175 Beacon St. and 212 Beacon St., assessed at $25,000 and $30,000 respectively. looked like defeat for Moakley into ,victory next Tuesday remains to be seen.:. Whatever the outcome, however, Moakley Intends to acquaint the voters of the Ninth District with the records qf both himself and Mrs. Hicks on this ~t issue between now and the primary. * * * .r • INDUSTRIALIST BERTRAM YAFFE of Fall River, a candidate for the Democratic nomination for Congress in the Tenth District, and his many supporters, take vigorous issue with the suggestion that campaign workers are being paid by the hour to ring doorbells In his behalf. Yaffe asserts he has not spent one penny to hire workers, and that all who are out working in his behalf are volunteers. • �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• wa \. s oufh /' (! • ~ . (l () �•••••••••••••••••••••••••••• •1r·• • ........................ . • 9th District primary Most exciting race • Ill By Christopher Wallace Globe Staff 1 The Democratic primary campaign in the 9th Congressional District may just be the most interesting fight in the country this year for . a seat in the US House of Representatives. Picture if you will a nationally-known female conservative; a liberal state senator with 14 years of legislative experience; and ~ young black who lectures at Harvard Law School and heads City Hospital. Place these three in the setting of a vast and varied di strict that encompasses 15 of Boston's 22 wards with distinct enclaves of Irish, B1acks, Italians ·and Jews. 1 Then, add a convoluted pattern of opinion on the central issues of crime, the Vietnam war; housing, po11ution, racial prejudice and the economy. Remember that this is the seat held since 1928 by Speaker of the House John W. McCormack. The kaleidoscopic picture will not come into final form until the primary election on Sept. 15. The three contestants are City Councilor Louise Day Hicks, State Sen. John Joseph Moakley, and attorney David S. Nelson. Any account of the campaign must begin with Mrs. Hicks. School Committee mem~ ber for six years, mayoral candidate in 1967, and the top vote-getter in last year's City Council election, Mrs. Hicks, 49, has been a major force in Boston's politics over the last decade. A Massachusetts Poll conducted for The Globe at t he en <f J u ne s h o w e that only one percent o,f the Democrats in the 9th had never h e a r d of her. Twenty-four percent did not know who Moakley was, and 67 percent had never heard of Nelson. Moakley and Nelson are banking on heavy medlia campa~gns during September in an effort to make thernselvies known in the district, but the wiµe recognition gap between them and Mrs. Hicks will ·not be easy to overcome. . Moakley, 43, will tell the Democratic voters of the 9th that he was a state representative for South Boston foT eight years and a us Mrs. Hicks plans little use of television advertising, a p p a r e n t 1 y being willing ,to rely Oll1 a hectic schedure of street i'lPPear,a nces at which she distdbutes "I am a Hicks fan" paper fans and "My pop says Hicks" lollipops. She is reluctant to grant interviews to the press because of the barrage of critical articles wJ:"itten about her during the 1967 mayoral campaign. Sh1 says that her timee table does not at present. permit her to debate the issues with her opponents and so she is releasing a series of position papers. As always when on,e candidate lias an imposing lead, the others demand debates as the most effective means to confront the issues. The different ways in which Moakley and Nielson plan to bring up the debate issue, however, reveal much about the contrasting styles of their campaigns. The Moakley camp apparently fears that if its cand idate attacks Mr& Hicks too openly, she will appear to be the offended party. And so, the senator will issue a formal invitation to debate to Mrs. Hicks by the end of the week and hope that the media will pr essu1~ her to accept. e 1 Nelson plans to swing hard at Mrs. Hicks. · He began the campaign claiming that he was the only candidate who could serve the entire district. His slogan, was "Not for some. But for everyone." In the last few weeks, however, Ne'lson has come to believe that he can win - in the words of a top aide - only by "getting out the largest black vote ever recorded in this city." His 1-e iogan. Ge it-together or Louise will." Nelson hopes to pick up some white votes through his hospital connections (he is negotiating with several hospitals to establish community health clinics in white neighborhoods) and his active role in Catholic organizations (he speaks at a number of church meetings in white areas). But Nelson will channel almost all the efforts o,f •his campaign into the black community, accoTding to an aide, and one way in. whkh he will seek to mo- · bilize that community is by . r m ·n in i t.hat h · /2- �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ~OM THE OFFICE OF: SENATOR JOHN J. MOAKLEY News Release FOR RELEASE SEPTEMBER 8, 1970 MOAKLEY CONFIDENT IN SUCCEEDING McCORMACK SENATOR JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY (D-Boston), candidate for Congress from the Ninth Congressional District, has expressed confidence as September 15th (Primary day) nears that the voters will elect him to succeed the retiring John W. McCormack. Moakley, who now holds the Senatorial seat which McCormack held prior to his going to Washington, has stressed his fourteen years of effective legislative experience. Moakley served four terms in the Massachusetts House of Representatives where he became the youngest majority whip in the history of the Commonwealth. He is serving his third term , in the State Senate where he is Chairman of the Joint House and Senate Urban Affairs Committee. Moakley has received strong support district-wide for his legislative accomplishments in the fields of housing, law enforcement, elderly affairs, and anti-pollution control. Moakley commented, "The voters of the Ninth District have more intelligence and insight into the issues than some candidates and columnists would lead you to believe. alone do not solve problems. They know that slogans In most cases slogans are a cynical cover-up for lack of knowledge of the issues and their solutions." more Senator John Joseph Moakley Candidate for the Ninth Congressional District 149A Dorchester Street, South Boston, Massachusetts 02127, 269-1800 �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• News Release FOR RELEASE SEPTEMBER 8, 1970 MOAKLEY WARNS OF BARBOR DEATH SENATOR JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY, (D-BOSTON), candidate for Congress from the ninth district, today warned that Boston Harbor will be dead in ten years because of the million s of gs1lons of M.D.C. sewage sludge dumped daily in the harbo~ o<:E DePr. .::,nd Unless sludge dumping stop s , c>~ <~::·:;:,:: (~ t Nut Islands. the New England Aquar- -:;;i: ium, give harbor waters ten years fo:-:- cm:.1 r,J1_;te deterioration and oxygen depletion O Without oxygen i r.. 1:t.P. -,'7 ::iter , the Harbor I s death along with all beneficial life is certain. f ormE~ :.,,\;_{ :1:-: r; s It will become an open cesspool. The sludge is suffercating the wat~r :) covering the life giving bottom in depths ranging from 4 11 to 4tt. If the M.D.C. stopped dumping s ludge this year, it will take another 20 years for the nature to r er,a :1:r i :he damage already done. The sludge, unlike the sewage, is not r:.~..; ·::.ing 1 out to sea. It's causing severe ecologlcal cons·~'fuence s by depleting the oxygen content in the water needed to break down the sewage and support marine life and permit human use. Moakley declared the M.D.C. sludge is doing what bulldozers and EXPO could not do. Its destroying the Harbor. The M.D.C. is pouring money down the drain, $110 million since 1951 for pollution control in Boston Harbor. And today it is the greatest pollution of the Harbor. MORE Senator John Joseph Moakley Candidate for the Ninth Congressional District 149A Dorchester Street, South Boston, Massachusetts 02127, 269-1800 �•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• FROM THE OFFICE OF: SENATOR JOHN J. MOAKLEY News Release FOR RELEASE SEPTEMBER 8, 1970 TEAMSTERS ENDORSE MOAKLEY The candidacy of SENATOR JOHN JOSEPH MOAKLEY for United States Congress was endorsed by Teamsters Local #25, New England's largest local union. President William J. McCarthy of Local #25 said that Senator Moakley received the endorsement to succeed Speaker John w. McCormack because of his outstanding labor record over his 14 years of legislativ~ service and because he has always been a friend of Local #25. There are 12,000 Local #25 members, and most of these live in Bos ton. Senator Moakley has been cited and endorsed by labor throughout h •s public life because of his continued 100 per cent labor record. Among other endorsements for Congress Senator Moakley has received the endorsement of the following organizations: Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks Massachusetts Legislative Council for Older Americans Metropolitan Police Patorlmen's Association Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousement and Helpers Joint Council 1110 Bakery & Confectionery Workers International of America Local #20B Senator Moakley has also received commendations for his legislative accomplishments by the National Association of Government Employees Massachusetts Chiefs of Police Association, Associated Fire Fighters of Massachusetts, numerous Veterans Organizations and Housing Organizatiorn5 Senator John Joseph Moakley Candidate for the Ninth Congressional District 149A Dorchester Street, South Boston, Massachusetts 02127, 269-1800 �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 15 �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• y ore �••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �···················································~··~ Not for some. But for Everyone Elect David ·N elson Democrat for Congress VOTE · * * * I ©AKLEY CONGRESS I L__ _ _.....,__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~ / �.~ .......................................•..........•.. St:N. Moakley's law office is in the heart of South Boston. Enter and be told "shut that door" to save the air conditioner. Moakley is summoned and talks heading for the door. In and out in two minutes. His two aides are brother Robert and a young man just out of the service who does "nothin'" when he isn't working for Jo~. 'iJ'm going to school in the fall though.'' Moakley is pressing more · flesh .than any other candidate and through July and August could be found at any neighborhood MBT A station or bus stop. He says it's going well. "Once in a while you get a guy with a tough life and that can be unpleasant, but most people are receptive, even cordial. They don't stop but .slow down to listen. What •more can you ask?" Talking:in the car between stops, Moakley says the war is the overriding issue because of "the toll it's taken in lives and on the economy . . . You know, some feel there's less regard for the lives of sons around he~e but a mother's love is a mother's love. "Another thing that's important is housing and that's my edge. I've worked hard at it, know a lot about it. My committee (urban affairs) has put out a big low-income housing package and the snob zoning law. More than every sixth house in the district is substandard: Federal money could change that. People in a decent house are less 'a ngry, less disruptive, more content." Moakley, choosing his words carefully, talks about Mrs. Hicks. "If you let her go her merry way, she's in. The district should know wp.ere she stands on all issues, not just crime in the streets. The crime rate is just another manifestation of violence bred elsewher.e. More cops . won't help the have-nots in the district. It's more compli- the shopping plaza, stood cated than that.'' looking very put out as Moakhas "a good feeling ley moved up the center aisle. about this race. People know "I don't want to get politically I'm giving up a sake Senate involved in the store. I'm seat and the others risk noth- sorry, that's final." ing but defeat. And if the Moakley said sure and left. polls have Mrs. Hicks out Outside, he said "That's right front, I think that's because pal, don't get politically inshe peaks when she an- volved ... at least until you nounces and can only lose want that building variance. votes afterward. Voters think These guys kill me." twice about sending Louise Dorchester must be the anyplace alone. She'll always only place in the world where walk away in a multiple- people come up and ask poliseat fight though." ticians if they want to put The car pulls into the signs up on their lawn or roof. Fields Corner shopping cen- Moakley got two walking up ter and Moakley's out and the street. over to the next car before Between handshakes, he anybody else's safety belt is said that the district's conundone. stituent, despite the diverHis brother and young gent backgrounds, "is pretty friend, like two bouncers, much the same guy. He's steer people or.er to meet the worried about taxes, tight candidate. They all get about money to refinance or for a 15 ~econds, which is always mortgage, he's not getting the same: the overtime he used too, and "Hi/ Joe Moakley/ running crime is beginning to cramp for Congress/ in the Dorches- his life and his family's." ter area/ we'd like your vote The day's focal point was in September/ don't forget to the iioon-time opening of a say a kind word to your boxing arena in Southie friends now." Next. where there used to be a vetHe met several friends of erans' club. There were a lot brothers, his mother, de- of flattened noses in atten- . ceased father, but the en- dance and the men wore suits thusiasm always stayed con- with carnations and tugged stant and brief. He drew one at their collars. One woman blank, bluffed but got caught. wore a white sequin pant suit "O, sure I know you. Where with high heels. Cops were you living now?" "Gee, Joe, all over the place. in Southie, for Chrissake." In one room, ham and "Oh, that's right too, that's chicken salad lined a table right too." that ended with coffee. The · Brother Bob recalled the room was cut in half by a row days when the father used to of upright lockers, run a Savin Hill tavern, In the next room, an Ameriwhere "he sponsored a lot of can flag and an oil painting ball games and picnic days of Paul Pender overlooked a and stuff like that. They still boxing ring freshly dusted call the place Moak's and he's with resin. been out of there 20 years." Men stood around munchA drunk wandered up and ing sandwiches and soon a lot recognized Moakley. Lurch- of mock fights broke out. ing at him beneignly, he "Hey, you old bastard, hop in started chanting "looks just that ring with me." like the old man . . . same Moakley, a former lightbushy eyegalls." Moakley told heavyweight champ at him "you'll be all right, but Miami University, worked I think you need a rest." out briefly with the speed and They parted friends which heavy bags. Dripping wet, he was no mean accomlishstopped, saying "I've had no ment. takers in the past 10 years ONE store owner, a small and after this work-out it's a chain grocery operation near damn good thing ... DE John J. Mookley �. · <:; ~ . : . f ftv·rl) C4 P'( <' "~ . 0~ &t AlAl- I G ffuu t;e:,? I tJ 'IJON --- CJAJ~c5, ~ · I WISH TO EXPRESS MY APPRECIATION TONIGHT TO THE CITIZENS' HOUSING AND PLANNING ASSOCIATION, ..COMMONLY ·-REFERRED-TO '-AS-C -HPA-,- FOR FIRST, THE PUBLIC FORUM TO DISCUSS THE HOUSING PROBLEMS ' . OF THE NINTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRIC~ AND SECOND, THE WORK AND LEADERSHIP THEY HAVE PROVIDED ON THE STATE AND LOCAL LEVELS FOR THOSE . IN PUBLIC OFFICE SEARCHING FOR SOLUTIONS TO OUR "SHELTER CRISISo" THEIR VOICE HAS BEEN A QUIET ONE, BUT~ ~ EFFECTIVE ONE AS WITNESSED A BY THE SUCCESS MY URBAN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE · JAD THIS YEAR IN THE 1 HOUSING FIELD. TO SAY THAT THE NINTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT FACES A /ohI ~ /fl,# / Rthl/-l'j "SHELTER CRISIS" IS ONLY A SLOGAN~REPRESENl'S A MULTITUDE OF A. HUMAN TRAGEDIES• fflfflfHilfiB~":'· OM I\'~ \I I!# ~ v~ /!161~ , I .~ W LED . J.>v~ ~ THE FIGHT THESE PA~T YEARS TO DEVELOP SOLUTIONS~F .. I- 'ifliii J3~.f.«RE ~ AL �~ · EXPERIENCES AND THE IMPRESSIONS I DEVELOPED DURING MY· ~ ) THOSE YEARS IN SUBSTANDARD AND PUBLIC HOUSING ~e~~ HAVE Ll \'::e, e ~ , +~ ·· · · . : ,~ INTO PRIORITIES AND HARD LEGISLATIONo OF ALL THE CANDIDATES IN THIS RACE, I AM THE ONLY ONE WHO HAS PLACED HOUSING AS THE NUMBER ONE PRIORITY. I HAVE DONE THIS BECAUSE OUR DISTRICT NEEDS HOUSING FIRST AND OTHER THINGS SECOND. 20.6% OF THE HOUSING STOCK IS DETERIORATED OR '.DELAPI,TATIN?. ?THE CH9A REPORT STATES THAT THE HOUSING CONDITIONS IN THE NINTH DISTRICT ARE THE WORST IN THE STATEo 75% OF BOSTON'S PUBLIC HOUSING, 11,243 UNITS, WHICH JN MANY CASES ARE SUBSTANDARD UNITS THEMSELVES, ARE CONTAINED IN THE NIN~Ho IN ADDITION, IN TEN YEARS THIS DISTRICT HAS ADDED 0~ 2,900 UNITS TO ITS ENTIRE HOUSING STOCK. BUT FOR THOSE OF US WHO HAVE BEEN WORKING, THE PROBLEMS BEHIND THE STATISTICS ARE NOT NEWS. THE WEIGHT OF THE HUMAN '1)-:{ , • • tt,J PROBLEMS OF THE DISTRICT FALL ON US EY'E-,.BA-"to DON'T APPEAR AS STATISTICS. AND THESE PROBLEMS IT'S ONE THING TO POINT OUT THAT 2lo3% OF THE DISTRICT'S POPULATION IS ELDERLY AND POORo IT'S ANOTHER �WORK, BUT, INSTEAD, TRY TO SUBSTITUTE SLOGANS FOR PROGRAMS AND PERFORMANCE. I BELIEVE BEGPLE CAN BE LULLED BY SLOGANS, BUT NOT FOR VERY LONG. AFTER A WHILE, THEY BEGIN TO LOOK MORE CLOSELY AT CANDIDATES AND AT WHAT THEY HAVE ACCOIIPLISHED. THE POPULAR SLOGAN TODAY IS A REORDERING OF NATIONAL .... ;y ,.• PRIDORITIES. HOWEVER, ON THE STATE LEVEL, THIS LEGISLATIVE SESSION, I HAVE ALREADY DONE JUST THAT. LAST SUMMER, WHILE OTHER LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEES WERE INACTIVE, AS CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE ON URBAN AFFAIRS, I APPOINTED A SUBCOMMITTEE ON HOUSING TO DO A FULL SCALE STUDY OF LOW-INCOME HOUSING PROBLEMS IN MASSACHUSETTS. WE SEARCHED OUT SKILLED PEOPLE WORKING. IN .THE FIELD WHO .. COULD DEFINE THE PROBLEMS AND PROPOSE SOLUTIONS, WE VISITED SEVERAL CITIES IN THE COMMONWEALTH TO TALK TO HOUSING OFFICIALS AND LEADERS OF PRIVATE GROUPS TO FIND OUT WHAT WE COULD no. WE DRAFTED A REPORT ON OUR FINDINGS AND WE APPENBBD TO IT A PACKAGE OF HOUSING BILLS ....JF@~lfA-ttT' ...To ATTACK HOUSING PROBLEMS IN . . ~ I~As, AS You PROBABLY KNOW, A ~ · PACKAGE==, ONE oF ·-·TifE I �ITS COST WAS CALCULATED A'f - L©W-AND-MODERATE-!MCOME FAMILIES. ... MQ~--3H"lor--'ltll'M,..I1nJ1r,Jr7{'\'IC'}Nr_ "T'\nnoLr-~rinn,-::: . ::-----....1 • DURING THE ~~ SESSION WE WORKED TO PERSUADE THIS COMMONWEALTH THAT HOUSING WAS TOO LOW ON ITS PRIORITY LIST. WE WORKED TO PERSUADE THEM THAT HOUSING AUTHORITIES WERE SLUMLORDS, THAT WAITING LISTS WERE INTOLERABLE, THAT SUBURBAN TOWNS MUST OPEN THEIR DOORS AND RECOGNIZE THAT HOUSING IS A METR0- #4~» ~ POLITA~ NO~~S£~ CITY PROBLEM. .,,-~wlv WAS A COMMITMENT BY THIS STATE MORE THAN~NISB, WHAT WE ASKED FOR, AND RECEIVED, ?:£AtiWii'1lU' - THAT @ WOULD AMOUNT TO THIS COMMITMENT WAS FORTH COMING TO THE AMOUNT OF 25 MILLION DOLLARS IN ONE LEGISLATIVE SESSION. 1 FELLOW-LEGISLATORS TO ..'\CCEPT THIS PACKAGE, T0-2E~M-1'-HAT THE- ENOR.MITY OF QTJB llOUSING PROBLEMS DEMANDED-stleH A RESPON-S'E. 1. - : A BILL TO RAISE THE BONDING AUTHOJtIZATION QF THE MASSACHUSETTS HOUSING FINANCE AGENCY FROM 50 MI~~ION TO 500 MILLION, A MEASURE WHICH WILL MAKE SOME 20,000 UNITS AVAILABLE FOR LOW-!ND MODERATE-INCOME FAMILIES WITHIN THE NEXT SEVERAL YEARSo · 6 �2. A BILL WIIIICH MADE 15 MILLION DOLLARS AVAILABLE TO RENOVATE STATE HOUSING DEVELOPMENTSo 3. A 25% CEILING ON THE RENTAL OF ELDERLY PERSONS IN PUBLIC HOUSING. 4. A BILL THAT RAISED THE SUBSIDY FOR PUBLIC HOUSING TO REALISTIC LEVELS, AND PREVENTED A RENTAL INCREASE THAT WOULD HAVE PREVENTED THE PUBLIC 1-IaUSING PROGRAM FROM SERVING THOSE IT WAS DESIGNED TO SERVE. I POINT OUT THIS YEAR~~ EXPERIENCE WITH HOUSING IN THE STATE LEGISLATURE TO SHOW YOU THAT EXPERIENCE AND WORK DO COUNT, ALTHOUGH THAT WORK OFTEN DOESN'T LEND ITSELF TO PUBLICITY AND DOESN'T LEND ITSELF TO SLOGANSo FOR THE PERSON CHOSEN TO BE THE NEXT CONGRESSMAN FROM THE NINTH DISTRICT WILL HAVE THE SAME CHOICES. ' ' HE CAN CARVE OUT SLOGANS OR HE CAN CARVE OUT A RECORD OF ACCOMPLISHMENT. AND IN CONGRESS, I BELIEVE, IT WILL BE MOST IMPORTANT TO HAVE A SENSE OF DIRECTION BORN OF EXPERIENCE AND KNOWLEDGE. A FRESHMAN CONGRESSMAN IS ONE OF 435 MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE, BURIED UNDER A SENIORITY SYSTEM, CAUGHT IN THE CROSSFIRE OF COMPETING INTERESTS FROM ALL OVER THE NATION. THERE IS ONLY ONE WAY IN WHICH HE CAN MAKE HIS VOICE HEARD, TO BE VALUABLE, TO HAVE COMPILED THE ·· EXPERIENCE AND 'THE KNOWLEDGE TO PROPOSE SOLUTIONS TO URBAN PROBLEMS, �Youonlyget out of Congress whatyouput into it. John Joseph Moakley Democratic Candidate 9th Congressional District Massachusetts State Senate 1965-Present (3 terms) Chairman of Joint House and Senate Urban Affairs Committee Chairman of Special Commission on Boston Harbor Islands Chairman of Special Commission on Marine Boundaries and Resources Chairman of Special Commission on Crime and Violence Chairman of Special Commission on Tideland Licenses Chairman of Sp~cial Commission on the Effect of Aircraft Noise on Children in the Vicinity of Logan Airport Member of Senate Judiciary Committee Member of Senate Rules Committee Massachusetts House of Representatives 1953-60 (4 terms) Democratic Majority Whip Assistant Majority Leader Massachusetts Bar Association Boston Bar Association Massachusetts Trial Lawyers ' Association American Legion Veterans of Foreign Wars Disabled American Veterans Knights of Columbus Vote September 15 Lifelong Resident of the 9th Congressional District ~40 •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• �~ IN THE ENTIRE COUNTRY REPRESENTS at{.. UNAWARENESS OF WHAT'S WRONG ..;01 C ~,,E5 IF YOU BELIEVE AS I DO, THAT HOUSING REPRESENTS OUR FIRST PRIORITY, A BASIC SOLUTION TO CRIME, EDUCATION~ AND THE POVERTY CYCLE, AND THAT EXPERIENCE AND A RECORD OF ACCOMPLISHMENT ARE IMPORTANT FACETS IN CHOOSING A CONGRESSMAN; THEN I HOPE YOU WILL SUPPORT MY CANDIDACY. THANK YOU ~ ����Youonlyget out of Congress whatyouput into it. John Joseph Moakley Democratic Candidate 9th Congressional District Massachusetts State Senate 1965-Present (3 terms) Chairman of Joint House and Senate Urban Affairs Committee Chairman of Special Commission on Boston Harbor Islands Chairman of Special Commission on Marine Boundaries and Resources Chairman of Special Commission on Crime and Violence Chairman of Special Commission on Tideland Licenses Chairman of Sp~cial Commission on the Effect of Aircraft Noise on Children in the Vicinity of Logan Airport Member of Senate Judiciary Committee Member of Senate Rules Committee Massachusetts House of Representatives 1953-60 (4 terms) Democratic Majority Whip Assistant Majority Leader Massachusetts Bar Association Boston Bar Association Massachusetts Trial Lawyers ' Association American Legion Veterans of Foreign Wars Disabled American Veterans Knights of Columbus Vote September 15 Lifelong Resident of the 9th Congressional District ~40 •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-0053 Title A name given to the resource Campaign scrapbook covering John Joseph Moakley's unsuccessful 1970 bid for Congress Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969-1970 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource Scrapbook documenting Joe Moakley's unsuccessful bid for Congress in 1970. It contains news clippings, campaign pins, banners, advertisements and correspondence related to his run and that of his opponents, Louise Day Hicks and David Nelson. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 9.03 Memorabilia, 1952-2001 Type The nature or genre of the resource Mixed material Albums Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource Montages Subject The topic of the resource Hicks, Louise Day, 1916-2003 Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Massachusetts--Politics and government Political campaigns Scrapbooks Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Joe Moakley Political campaigns Scrapbooks https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/5e8deb6a254fe2b142e59d5eeaf67343.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=Tyb7vUZclpkGyvkYVqTVN3CQU%7ESAaGQL%7ET%7EFFajvBvqecHFB86lxaHeT%7ETyGbXRqGWoArXkK6jpWgJle4YLU13xdzRNhDq9oKPT8CsoCPqKRbjbj4oJ-DxIn2k0Ef9J8FMl1AUkU4hl0NR%7Eq0Y2%7EHsRsfo0fIjzqX1AXSjNPxThqOcOSiDe9KDT2hoaeXlTQQ%7E2RswcA%7EGuueBdlXChpYbivCwEzWf4Y%7ESnlZDxiuvzQSALoV9QBwyI8Rjv2w6ckodYj0lR9Ecbvb2pWpzLhg6Q9LgSrdn7H%7E-4qb8EzpX%7EWTcDpfxPUNfNIOjiarJ42-t6qfcJiZ8JA6K1W%7ElR2Ng__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM d982a44794c67311c2bbbba11994c6f4 PDF Text Text I ��I J- ~o.,.k lc.7 Ills""''" 11,II AVE Owdc,tcv. M>4n. __ .. •c---- • -- ---'=.'.... __ -~ :,\ -· ---· _., __ • "i ;_ \ l,..,, .,,.., ~"' ' :,.a::;' - - -- ., )•- ~II/ff-:.•- ~ .._ ~ " /; 1111 ,,., .,..,.. ti __., II �.,'( ...,,,.,.. ...., WAAAt.N .. ooooePtrll[O NEW BEDF"ORD, MASS. :'.,r ~) V,od Wltal, or a S/01,, tloal . �l ~ • ��I ��I I C • �BOSTON DAILY GLOBE-THURSDAY, APRIL 23, SAD SACK -.- By George Balcer ~E'e A. Lmt.E n.TRAVAGAN-r '! . e,u1" 6HUCl<.9 • NO ONE 19 PERFECT.' ~0v, d } (. rr, ol si L, ~ t y, ha lio of en �lln ~uing ilrmory From-The Franciscan Fath~r, Hotliday.sb"rg, Pa. �"I call for the prayen of all thooe who haH known me. of all thoae who hanlond me." -SAINT EPHREM IN YOUR C HARITY Pray for the Repoae of the soul of JOHN J • OJF'F'Y Dtt:D Af'IU!. 12, 197') PRAYER {l!) Gent.lootIn Heart ol JSacrament, ..uo, ever preeent tbe BIHNCI ever conaumed with burninr love for· the poor captive aoula In Purratory have mercy: on the aoul of Thr_ departed 1ervant. Be not 1evere In Thy judc· ment but lot aome drope of Thy Precloua Blood fall upon the devourln1 flame~ and do Thou O merciful Saviour 1end Thy anrtla to conduct Thr, departed Hrvant to • place of re reah· ment, llrht and poact. Amen. Ma, t1'c ,.,..1, o/ /alcl,f,,I ,,.,.,...,. ,i.. mercyw Qod, ruldqartcd, of lft ......,.. Afflffl. �I Q.-j J 8{) ~ "1.01 0 lh. ro~es iVl this -And volumes of 900J wish es l;tble [\re book ti 11 ed for a 9uick recover~, tool with thoiA~his of ~ou ~~~ ~1 ��I - �21>-- SAND DUNES CAPE COD. MASS. ��BOAT YARD AT WYCHE MERE HARBOR. HARWICH· PORT ON CAPE COD. MASS WHERE THE y~. P669 ANCIENT ART OF BOAT BUILDING STILL ~ PREVAILS. . : ! ~ J t 'A "1L ~ 0 ~ -s. "' ~ • ,;,,. \t~ ~ ., ,. ~ "\ STA:\IP f ,,.. ;;· ~ < . 1, ~.....·~ .,,, ~~ _. Place "O ~, Post Card ! ~. ADDRESS ~,,"Y~ !c~,.,··· t ~~,/~,~~ ~ s l .,, 1 ~ •c.. .,.._ ..,~ \J'~ 1'" o ~ ' ~ ~ ' ~ ~ } EVEL:/tt .l>UFYf • 1 18 A EUSTIS STREET . ~~ • _.~c~ flt Color by The KolHy Studio H ae ����\ I --'-- �;;;~ ~ - 1! I cfif 7 trv. ������\i ������L~ .7 I ~~ c- ~ /'/ s~~~ ~~ ������I I I 5cl2.l-\P e,LL\LJ. r·\ �������0 �.. __ _ ._......_ ____ -~-- n-n., • .._ , . �����- -~ ~..... ,- - . - -- �����J �������I • • 1 . �.. . I. \ "t" ... ���,.. 1 I. ����I �/) ����' ' ( �l ~~J -;'. : '5C..\'.i. ~ p t==:=:.::]:==.:___________________ A �- ������������������. ·. �\ \"', �• - �• ���������1 .. .... ( / ,_ ! ~ ~ "-;..-· - �������t ~--- J ��" ��I . ������I • ������ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-0042 Title A name given to the resource Moakley family scrapbook Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1940-1959 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Moakley, Evelyn, 1927-1996 Description An account of the resource The scrapbook contains personal photographs of Joe and Evelyn Moakley with friends and family as well as a few postcards and news clippings. The pictures include: family gatherings; vacations in Cape Cod and Florida; Moakley at Suffolk Law School events with classmate Jeanne Hession; and snapshots at social events. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 11.04 Special Materials, 1930s-1980s Type The nature or genre of the resource Mixed material Albums Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Subject The topic of the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Families Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by the creators of items in this collection, or their descendants, as stipulated by United States copyright law. This item is made available for research and educational purposes by the Moakley Archive & Institute. Prior permission is required for any commercial use. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p></p> Joe Moakley Scrapbooks https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/d483f90c8f7d6c1d5ad905c33d663654.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=i74tOa95HdXg9xCilfC4H9NHpmRZPzwuU8pNFDTtd4z2IiM2IK39P-oX6y2%7E2whuDJPA64gkCR9IN75DbBNZ4YyqkHqMt61NzsEgP63g4OFg3cz%7ETdopzlFv4liUesz3sFr51pC-ZyN55jaVE4mD2AKJ6AHpe-NY7eLA7YACSYN9Hh1sqXHLYVueBPi7lk16reRfKgxuPe9jF8TXuIItYZAEM3sn%7EXGNm9o7rUqEv0EIQ35etF6or0THby%7EIIKlwCzW9VYD9R1wqz4PK1Zvz34TUChwyST0DbrUP1EhINbKyUQpb92b8IQ0VsJPNhw9J-rRrLCf%7E1Y7S7ytR0V3Qtg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM bd403bddb5b040b1590022b6ae9dd1eb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1269 Title A name given to the resource Dear Colleague letter from Congressmen John Joseph Moakley and Les Aucoin advocating that the US State Department allow Extended Voluntary Departure Status for Salvadoran refugees Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02 June 1983 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 AuCoin, Les Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 1 Folder 15 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador Emigration & immigration United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador United States--Emigration and immigration--Government policy--History Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Immigration policy https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/6c489b79373ddc7df2b7f1d5e3300ffd.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=UjflCgfZG0gLovn1VPXOKRcDyE4SFm3ClDx9Eun0KCZIHBCF2d07XEVfzMWk8Qs5IOgNh1WX8ZN0Rd9eQSybTYpXaOIKWQcuf8pJU5KXM0mSKs139h0BDpSR1ybJupgTisMHS3KGnTrG4hMyg5CGUOZ%7ES%7EQMokKHKomFXkBQzzPC6j9fW5rMkkkF6qo%7EVXQslcz7wi4q2N17TqAfffi1K1FxsIYmDCWc29sJRYhaZ6eYvs5lFj%7E2Mbymr6L-sL%7EiT886FqVbLS7YbQNIeNrAH%7EVdnJCmuYC4ly240XkaaO6dbHihOk0jhkhBbrCwx%7E7ptoNa8nl9VHE6ksvcow445A__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 133112195bc055004fe2bdfe47f70472 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1268 Title A name given to the resource Draft of a Dear Colleague Letter regarding Extended Voluntary Departure Status for Salvadoran Refugees Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource circa 1982 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 1 Folder 13 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador Emigration & immigration United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador United States--Emigration and immigration--Government policy--History Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Immigration policy https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/dbf96d007e02e1d4e1e66697b4173f05.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=KLHBH2G6yWoYdE1X8CuTyfE%7EfSGAeQ81nJ8YvSt4JLxfWJQ9FeAyIAWT6Be9x3YWGGIZBJYIkuF7ST7fa0tPnSsUr9bZJWTC1lpanlKbHVDlrjEXavOWO169IPbvnal5fkQbE4h%7E26l-Y%7E-qvdH%7Ea0fa9w0nD9n0-pLADu4tRBjNxgytEPnhamfDRmKPiS6v%7EP3AQ5wX6WhR4w0v9cub91DKnxAj5Oh-I6%7ES5u8mCpxA47d67q1kPOeKXtTXOW8IP1XS38DOEqJwz030j91HukXeAkHNrSZZrns5IqFd62hl6Kg1w%7EKQhOTKZHH1pyyKQdTBbgCIV-20WxLqgcaCCg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 3a67bd0345bf7bef93af88c3a5ce527a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1267 Title A name given to the resource Remarks by Congressman John Joseph Moakley on El Salvador Certification in the Congressional Record Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 28 July 1982 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 1 Folder 13 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource El Salvador--Politics and government--1979-1992 Emigration & immigration United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador United States--Emigration and immigration--Government policy--History Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Immigration policy https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/7cd6b19ecac943f515bd4ca527e9b319.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=H3Rb2gAB2dx5B4QE7zANbNdtLYiN2iAp3pjGGdMGKZBDk9I0KevtFr2Q%7EfKhLuDbEcFf5f-mwb40dSpPRzZ5bVfiYMMHyqQaWD8bYMnEJrC15rhMVaxMfNkrsTFB7w2tsYPIWhZkuUPnlsPDggCH3aRr5QD5viTzCS1y2RGcTFm-aLbhW6rePZKDpTsAKFfETZq9bBQwQQ4IwJriR0qtA6BGcRaaNMGr0e2zw9FISJcOWHWcyHmpmKUw1AyWs4wyFDVQkK%7EO1cqE9V8exNLAzV0%7ExRLmNeNff5n4MAxbxmNfxHMH6xoyYcVn5kQ4szKOjYQ6J6wYHA79CwVw7twc8g__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM a149a31fa2d0efdd1cb7cb9f269b4611 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1261 Title A name given to the resource Letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley to Russian President Mikhail Gorbachev regarding Soviet dissident Victor Yelistratov and his family's denied permission to emigrate to Israel Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 25 May 1985 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 02.02 Legislative Correspondence, Box 10 Folder 166 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource United States--Foreign relations--Soviet Union Refuseniks--Soviet Union Jews, Russian Human rights Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> Foreign relations Human rights Soviet Union https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/7ab17f5c749c38bdfa445cba9ddab4a4.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=qOJyWwAbwIMSrXfZUN5UI8sxCc3YeRArZ8xiv-mF%7EvmEdj%7E8lHS4uKJ87NpoFrkb43fVN-ZLtk8z87zrrBYQxQmg3BF7Y2mgGRjYfcIyP0xTxGacn14RHtnMuy8OJdv1CemDcOcWVbWIP7kBeVURyPzAmpWjXMyb0MnEz4lapupWPTcj8yhpszFDK%7EcL0poda3ss4oZmbUFZ2An2l3hiyoqX0PHspumr0rgMIKEYSDcVlnUep4cpk-SL-WnVMend9oOxDPH97lEuKI3r31FryUGL9xhiPTrsydDKpn3j2ok1cK4Kao6bqtpv-SHxppey-5UTA7wlibiK%7E3y3IokcpQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 2720c943c9425830ffc4527704149d70 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1258 Title A name given to the resource Letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley to Alfredo Cristiani, President of El Salvador, regarding the creation of a congressional task force to investigate the Jesuit murders and other human rights matters Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 13 December 1989 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 14 Folder 238 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource El Salvador--Politics and government--1979-1992 United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador Political crimes and offenses-- El Salvador Human rights--El Salvador United States. Congress. House. Speaker's Task Force on El Salvador. Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Foreign relations Jesuit murder investigation Moakley Commission https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/7fa4ca02283b154c96d8696dda8c7804.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=QUc0hXBibSC%7E-IZMBoWOPQIMtQ3vfFrXMALI3op0BRMn-uMh8Q9Y%7EzcWnAFDHdEkdFoKXBGsJQpt3MkjrFNQOpi5xmgFgEMhA9tlnMljUiO%7E1OvJSIhdX7wFhAcSRuefekqBamON8-bA6y0V3jje3UfOqmzvDPQycN2nLowYglneVGe0joFgZ7qGXAX-yZEmBm9ywInhsDeAoaTuSqUGo7A78bvuF9KWNxEiRNJraLCqPKIv7GF8TAwjT8-Bku7iwuaAwaaO2mw77skYXGk58tS3ngkb2qUhfggGA-36LGQ2c38u-ZQEYxNXOYvASFIVKkMR0X3R%7EvBwjpb6arEAaA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM cdbef300af74cd7b6d405def4606b4d2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1257 Title A name given to the resource Dear Colleague letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley asking for support of a substitute provision to H.R.4636 regarding military aid to El Salvador Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 17 May 1990 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 5 Folder 75 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource El Salvador--Politics and government--1979-1992 Military assistance, American--El Salvador United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Foreign relations Military aid https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/0f80ecc965e985e90a0f08766906a8c0.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=Rqa%7Ehr%7Et3PIB-gJYOuyz58vWFSoLQLwvS102d91Z-i9v5phEJOOYqY55i8IAJbLXaeaB6z3727DvRGV3oawZALB6YPi9U6msEKdiAQE%7E9cE081SwyRl1w%7ERR8aSDeOZlwMeufomdezgGdGPsd1grxO78yPt3stnxKoWY6BZGjRv5Z-DpZoTT4HG0onaS6b3AQ8bQNgKPDtzx4-V8GQkUMrWPRnwF4K2o5i-0Ar-LDM-e4fNmdoaWVpAPLCYBzN8PYN1qyjEzPZ3-VOic935F4kBpwypjJ-sklCfgEfmc%7EHY57X5GmBe3cNC-KsP5lu8lt1rBoGR8hMDjgEaP1o-kew__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 9fdaddfb2ec244d7c333415b78d2afbd Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1256 Title A name given to the resource Statement by Congressman John Joseph Moakley on H.R. 822 before the Subcommittee on Immigration, Refugees and International Law Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 07 November 1985 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource The legislation, introduced by Congressman John Joseph Moakley, called for a GAO investigation on the conditions of displaced Salvadorans and a temporary stay of detention and deportation of certain Salvadorans. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 5 Folder 74 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource El Salvador--Politics and government--1979-1992 Emigration & immigration United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador United States--Emigration and immigration--Government policy--History Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Foreign relations Immigration policy Refugees https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/11079/archive/files/a1bb7adddba3a114f61feb6250160816.pdf?Expires=1790208000&Signature=p2b9dd1SuyIFWO56i4KntAQ427j85flQov7ih9WR4%7E8mTQ3GwCnmIJvkwEmOi1t3XkGLdTgOhplgFFKRVlr68GpoXgiCCJNztbHrbtqt3v44u3DW7fd22Vx4YHHCW-ayYbx9ZiwM9Yf0ggSsSml1A3oWPAKnqK5TU6MBKDaG8QBrZcFB2YXz190aVp7Lrl9EV9NfgWN4Zl3w3uyh-OdVgY7gLT-ETOmAw99JyCRas6hNlQsBCLTfKS1kDwgGjbfvvE8DFPghA1r7rijrXt7ddSGgteYV9bW%7ExBoE4GYoh%7EJuJoiSb-Akk4l7V3WBiChi6KeQghfNYZHwFkmYUcopIg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM cfbcf73756aa9e07bb55b21e665374e6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Description An account of the resource The Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers document Joe Moakley’s early life, his World War II service, his terms served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate, and his service in the United States Congress. The majority of the collection covers Moakley’s congressional career from 1973 until 2001. <br /><br />Use the <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/researchguides/1/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">finding aid</a> for a summary of the entire collection, including non-digitized materials. <br /><br />Digital files can be found at this site: <a href="https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/">https://dc.suffolk.edu/moakley/</a> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context DI-1255 Title A name given to the resource Dear Colleague letter from Congressman John Joseph Moakley asking for support of the Moakley-DeConcini Bill (H.R. 45). Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11 September 1989 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Moakley, John Joseph, 1927-2001 Description An account of the resource The legislation, introduced by Congressmen John Joseph Moakley and Dennis DeConcini, recommended a temporary stay of detention and deportation for Salvadoran and Nicaraguan refugees pending a GAO review of conditions in those countries. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Congressman John Joseph Moakley Papers, 1926-2001 (MS100) Series 03.04 Legislative Assistant Files: Jim McGovern, Box 4 Folder 50 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Documents Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource El Salvador--Politics and government--1979-1992 Emigration & immigration United States--Foreign Relations--El Salvador United States--Emigration and immigration--Government policy--History Refugees Relation A related resource <p>View the <a href="http://www.suffolk.edu/documents/MoakleyArchive/ms100.pdf">finding aid to the John Joseph Moakley Papers</a> for more information (PDF).</p> <p> </p> El Salvador Foreign relations Immigration policy